George Bush’S Great America [EN]: Chapter 232

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The first issue discussed was the treatment of the military, including former communists. This wasn’t particularly difficult, as it had been previously discussed. However, the unexpected civil war had introduced some complications.

It was also recognized that the previous agreements were no longer entirely valid, not only for the two Koreas but also for the United States, which had become both an external observer and a key player. This was undeniably true. In the preceding years, many individuals had been dismissed under the guise of incompetence, leaving only those who had engaged in bribery and collusion to advance through the ranks.

This was fundamentally a problem of human nature, predating any issues of democracy or capitalism. Since the nation is ultimately created and governed by people, isn’t it natural to favor the option that appears more advantageous, assuming equal efficiency at the same cost? Human behavior is predictable.

Of course, everyone understood that integrating all former communists into the South Korean government would eventually create significant political instability. However, that was a problem for the future. President Hyun Won-seop was aware of this and felt a sense of resignation. Furthermore, to reintegrate North Korea into South Korean territory with minimal damage, the cooperation of local North Korean officials was essential.

“Maintaining the North Korean military as it is isn’t worth considering, but I think it would be acceptable to transition the soldiers into civil service positions.”

Consequently, the discussion was brief, lasting only three or four hours. The United States remained somewhat detached from this particular issue, but they were compelled to voice their opinion on the subsequent topic: property rights within North Korea.

When considering property issues in North Korea, it’s easy to immediately think of assets embezzled by high-ranking officials or the Kim family. This isn’t entirely inaccurate, but the situation had evolved. With Kim Jong-il incapacitated, South Korean and American investment had increased significantly, dividing North Korean property into three main categories:

Kim Jong-il’s personal assets, the vast wealth already distributed among high-ranking officials, and overseas investment assets, including those in the United States. There wasn’t much to debate regarding these categories. In fact, there was very little to discuss at all.

The United States would continue its investments, and South Korea would nationalize its own investments. The primary concern was Kim Jong-il’s personal assets. Normally, the South Korean government would confiscate these assets, a move the US government wouldn’t oppose. However, disagreements arose regarding how these assets should be utilized.

The South Korean government intended to seize all of these assets, much like a creditor placing liens on a debtor’s property, convert them into national funds, and reinvest them in North Korea’s infrastructure. Renovating or modernizing North Korea’s outdated facilities would mark a true turning point.

Conversely, the United States had its own concerns. Initially, the United States was slated to spearhead most of North Korea’s modernization. This was the plan until the civil war erupted, and progress, though slow, was steady. The United States also recognized that many of Pyongyang’s buildings were on the verge of collapse due to substandard construction.

In reality, North Korea required complete demolition and reconstruction – a nationwide redevelopment project. In South Korea, discussions about reviving the ‘Five-Year Plan’ [a series of economic development plans implemented in South Korea from the 1960s to the 1990s] were resurfacing. However, this time it wouldn’t be solely an economic development plan, but a more comprehensive initiative.

Regardless, South Korea was hesitant to allow further external interference, while the United States sought to recoup its investments. South Korea held a slight advantage in terms of justification, as it viewed North Korea as a large terrorist organization rather than a legitimate country.

However, the United States possessed the ‘power.’ The strength of the US military and the vast wealth of the United States were undeniable. Further discussion was pointless. No matter how important justification may be, it’s only effective when backed by power.

To reiterate, the United States was unwilling to relinquish the opportunity to project its investment and influence on a semi-permanent basis, while South Korea aimed to eliminate unnecessary interference. The ideal solution would involve South Korea compensating the United States for its investments, but this could expose the South Korean government to claims for North Korea’s debts from other countries.

‘Damn it, this is really complicated.’

Ignoring the debts was an option, but the international media would undoubtedly seize upon it, potentially escalating into a diplomatic confrontation. The consequences of distorting diplomacy, the cornerstone of any nation, were clear.

In the conflict between the South and North Korean armies, the United States had served as a reliable relief pitcher and a key to unlocking difficult situations. However, it was also a mercenary that demanded its due. History books, tucked away in library corners, chronicled the fates of countries that failed to adequately compensate their mercenaries.

And what about overseas public opinion? Domestic public opinion also needed consideration. For a brief period, the government had wielded an iron fist, suppressing the media with justifiable anger. But now that the war was over, dissent would inevitably resurface.

‘I envy the United States at times like this.’

The United States had temporarily won the public opinion battle. It was a fleeting victory, but it ensured that Bush would remain relatively unchallenged during his term. Even if calls for unrestrained freedom resurfaced, the lessons learned from past excesses would likely prevent a complete return to that era.

‘We should also crack down on media companies that confuse freedom and indulgence someday.’

However, that was a distant prospect, considering South Korea’s history. State-led media suppression was a recent memory, within President Hyun Won-seop’s own lifetime.

For younger generations, media suppression was a historical topic, but for Hyun Won-seop’s generation, it was a direct experience. Consequently, even though Hyun Won-seop recognized the flaws in the current approach to public opinion, he hesitated to take decisive action.

‘But public opinion isn’t the priority right now.’

The immediate priority was negotiating with the United States. It was ironic that the focus was on negotiating with the United States rather than North Korea, but that was the reality.

But what was this? The United States was initiating the discussion? The very entity that had convened the negotiation table was taking the lead. And the one speaking was George W. Bush.

“We have been rebuilding South Korea’s infrastructure from the beginning. Is that right?”

No translation was needed. The English was so familiar that it resonated in my ears. In modern Korea, English was practically a second mother tongue. But at that moment, I wanted to hear a translation, as the statement made me question my understanding.

“I’ll ask again. Was South Korea our transaction target from the beginning?”

Upon hearing this, I fully grasped his intent. He was attempting to conceal the fact that ‘this infrastructure redevelopment was a transaction with North Korea.’ This was advantageous for South Korea, but I couldn’t comprehend his motivation for adopting this stance.

It was a clever maneuver, a strategic play. South Korea would have to accept some compromises, but it would avoid larger concessions later. Perhaps this was the better outcome. It was a regrettable truth, but South Korea, lacking nuclear weapons, relied heavily on the United States for influence in global affairs.

“Yes…”

After careful consideration, Hyun Won-seop affirmed.

The remaining negotiations proceeded smoothly. It was simply a matter of revising and refining the previously announced unification policy to align with the current circumstances. This was facilitated by the communists’ willingness to cooperate and, ironically, by the scattering or elimination of anti-South Korean factions during the civil war. The dead tell no tales, as the saying goes, and it proved true.

Once again, I understood why the former president had urged me to ‘thoroughly analyze that inhuman human being.’ But what was the point of analysis? Nothing made sense. To be honest, Hyun Won-seop had anticipated a day or two of intense negotiations.

The United States secured economic benefits, while South Korea gained the opportunity to prepare a major national project to effectively rebuild North Korea while the United States profited. Upon concluding the negotiations in North Korea and returning to Seoul, President Hyun Won-seop’s first action was:

“Dear citizens, we are currently facing a crisis in many ways.”

He readily acknowledged that the current situation posed a threat to national survival.

“This is a crisis that has arisen as the Korean people reunite.”

Originally, the statement was: ‘This is due to the cultural gap caused by debt and 50 years of separation as we unified with North Korea.’ Realizing that this could incite conflict, I had to revise the entire paragraph. The media was already sensationalizing ‘that incident,’ and I risked impeachment if I made a misstep.

“But this is not something to blame anyone for. It is a pain that everyone must endure in order for what was divided to become one again.”

In truth, I withheld some information from the public. North Korea is currently burdened by immense debt. Of course, the South Korean government had no intention of repaying it, but why announce that they would? As demonstrated by China and the United States, debt repayment is rarely voluntary. It’s prompted by external pressure. Banks don’t relentlessly pursue loan repayments for no reason.

Of course, there are rare individuals who exemplify integrity by proactively repaying their debts, but they are few and far between. What about a country where so many people flee in the night to escape their debts?

Regardless, South Korea still possessed power. It had an army capable of deterring foreign invasion and a valid justification. For instance, North Korea was classified as an illegal terrorist group rather than a legitimate country. A country doesn’t repay the debts of a terrorist group, does it? It would be different if it were a state-run company, but in South Korea’s view, the North Korean Communist Party is an illegal organization. That’s the implication.

New natural resources were acquired as North Korean territory was recovered. In fact, almost every mineral exists on the Korean Peninsula. However, profitability is a major issue, or the reserves are so small as to be insignificant.

“…But I believe we will eventually make it.”

The ‘we’ here referred not just to South Koreans, but to all Koreans on the Korean Peninsula. In other words.

“I hereby declare that Korea has been unified as of this moment.”

Korea was unified almost without bloodshed. However, President Hyun Won-seop felt a lingering unease about the US president, whose motives remained unclear.