George Bush’S Great America [EN]: Chapter 306

George W. Bush’s Great America – Episode 305 (306/377)

While the President and Vice President were in the White House, locked in a conversation that would determine the fate of America and the world for the next half-century, post-war reconstruction was underway in western Iraq, where the flames of war had finally died down.

There was nothing left of the resistance in western Iraq. They had simply scattered and vanished. The colonel, the rebels’ spiritual leader, had been extradited to Germany and sentenced to life imprisonment – practically a death sentence, given the solitary confinement.

Many rebels had attempted to rescue him, but none had succeeded in breaking the colonel out of prison. This only heightened tensions, with small-scale terrorist attacks becoming increasingly frequent.

Ironically, these terrorist attacks served to unite the EU. However, internal issues, like Greece’s ever-increasing debt, remained unavoidable. Still, on the surface, the EU maintained a semblance of solidarity.

“Don’t just stand there, work! Can’t you see the heroes who died for the reconstruction of the nation!”

Those words might sound like typical nagging, but this construction site was far from ordinary. It wasn’t just rubble they were dealing with.

“National reconstruction, my ass. They should pay us properly before saying that. Damn it.”

Beneath the debris of buildings lay piles of rotting corpses. These were the “heroes of the nation” they spoke of. And corpses were the least of their worries. Assault rifles were commonplace, and anti-tank weapons, even unexploded missiles, were occasionally unearthed.

Disposing of them was impossible without military assistance, but the Iraqi army was stretched thin since the surrender, and the European forces stationed there had limited manpower. The dismantling process was slow and tedious, often taking an entire day.

Consequently, unexploded ordnance was often detonated on-site under tacit agreement. Accidents happened, but the European-supervised government was in no position to address every incident.

Public authority, or anything resembling it, was virtually nonexistent. Small-scale vigilante groups formed spontaneously in villages and cities.

Firearms were easy to come by. Most able-bodied people in the country owned a gun. They were found everywhere during construction site clearances, and with danger lurking around every corner, there was little reason not to have one.

Some vigilante groups genuinely served as community watchdogs, while others extorted protection money like gangsters, abusing their power. The latter were overwhelmingly more influential.

While the former might have been greater in number, the latter held the real power. In this world, might makes right, and with the law neutralized, only force remained.

Although the regime maintained a grip on the capital, public authority felt powerless to the common people enduring post-war reconstruction, especially with the collusion between officials and vigilante groups.

Those common people were left with no choice but to join vigilante groups or criminal organizations with histories predating Iraq’s division.

Public officials excused their deepening collusion, hoping that things would improve in a year or two. For now, they claimed, it was difficult to operate without the vigilante groups due to the poor security situation.

The flames of war had subsided, but resistance still burned in the hearts of many citizens. The war had ended quickly, perhaps too quickly for them to accept defeat.

For better or worse, the vigilante groups acted as a conduit representing the citizens, and the overwhelmed public authority relied on them to exercise its power.

Deploying the military and police risked alienating the entire citizenry, so they avoided intervention unless absolutely necessary, knowing the internal situation was already fragile.

Moreover, the current regime’s control over the military was incomplete. They had forcibly subjugated and re-subjugated them, but a complete purge of experienced officers was impossible, as they were needed to lead and train the troops. Many who had been mere majors before the war were now generals, simply because they hadn’t actively participated in the rebellion.

Thus, western Iraq was in a truly dire state.

In the middle of the largest square in western Iraq, eleven statues stood. At the front was a familiar-looking Frenchman named Remon, sword raised high, who had played a significant role in the war.

At the base of the statue, an inscription detailed their achievements and stated that an identical statue had been erected in Paris, France.

“The eleven living legends, huh? Disgusting bastards. Setting up something like this in the square?”

“Damn bastards. Take this.”

What angered the Iraqi veterans most was that these statues weren’t memorials to the dead. They depicted people who were still alive. The statues were openly called the ‘living legends’ of the eleven.

With siblings, parents, and even sons and daughters having died in the war, such a monument was bound to provoke outrage. The only reason it hadn’t been damaged was the presence of EU forces guarding it.

And, surprisingly, few Europeans were coming to Iraq. It defied logic that no one would come, but very few were attempting to do business there.

With so many people suffering huge losses and receiving inadequate compensation, who would invest here?

Moreover, the assets of businesses operating before the war had been nationalized in western Iraq. When the EU re-established the western Iraqi regime, the nationalization was reversed, but even then, businessmen hesitated to reclaim their assets.

Everything they were supposed to get back had turned to ashes. What exactly were they supposed to recover? Searching through the rubble might yield something, but the cost outweighed the potential gains, leading many to abandon western Iraq.

The only ones willing to gamble in a place where they had already been burned were, well, gamblers. And gambling is gambling because the odds of failure are overwhelmingly high. Some businessmen who returned were even beaten to death by angry mobs.

Each country’s government passed the responsibility to western Iraq and individuals, which proved insufficient. Furthermore, terrorists, often former soldiers, constantly harassed Germany, driving them to the brink.

Amidst this terror, EU member states sought to strengthen surveillance policies. By expanding anti-terrorism laws, they aimed to monitor western Iraq.

Ostensibly, this would be done through EU cooperation with western Iraq, not direct monitoring. However, the people employed by the western Iraqi government would be carefully selected by the EU or would be Europeans, making it essentially EU wiretapping.

Most of the anti-terrorism laws mirrored those being discussed in the United States. Some countries, like France, even attached laws that would effectively nullify demonstrations. The need for such measures arose from popular unrest, but Europe debated the law internally, surprised by its sudden expansion.

The perception of this law was similar in Europe and the United States: a necessary evil, albeit with varying degrees of acceptance.

Bush, upon hearing this report, reportedly said, “If you’re too crazy, it’s a disease, but aren’t there only incurable patients in that neighborhood?” Fortunately, this remark didn’t leak.

In any case, these policies became the foundation for arguments made by the pro-approval faction, led by the US Vice President.

Back to the White House.

“Why have you changed so much?”

Bush felt a sting at these words, but he didn’t show it. He calmed himself and feigned ignorance.

“Changed? You’re talking nonsense. I’ve always been like this. Cheney, from the day I came to you to get this position until now, I’ve always been me.”

“The President I remember wasn’t very concerned about policies.”

“That’s… I don’t know what to say.”

“Don’t take it offensively. The President I remember cared more about the essence of the problem than politics.”

He phrased it diplomatically, but it meant that Bush was politically inept. And that wasn’t entirely wrong. Bush’s political skills were mediocre. In a country as vast as the United States, what good was a president with mediocre political skills?

He had somehow reached this position thanks to his father’s legacy and his personality, but securing the position and leading the country were entirely different matters.

“At least, if I told you about policies that were showing definite results, you wouldn’t dismiss them without a moment’s hesitation. I’ll ask again. What on earth happened?”

“Nothing happened… If I say that, you won’t believe me. So, would you believe me if I said that the world is going crazy, so I thought I should be sane to lead the country?”

“Going crazy? Sane? What are you talking about? When has the world ever not been crazy? Mr. President, think about it. It’s a bill that will be passed someday anyway. It’s a matter of whether it’s now or later.”

The Vice President gritted his teeth, and Bush secretly shook one leg.

“I think we’ve talked enough. We’re both busy, so let’s wrap it up, Vice President.”

“I’ll say it again and again, you’ll regret it. The opportunity was only now.”

If this passes, no one can stop the President. If the third-term constitutional amendment is passed then, that’s it. Everything will flow like water.

Cheney stared at the President’s expressionless face for a moment, then left the office. Bush stared at the door, then muttered,

“Opportunity? What opportunity are you talking about?”

Of course, Bush hadn’t even considered a third term.