George Bush’S Great America [EN]: Chapter 298

< Episode 297 >

Bush, who had been merely observing, belatedly realizing the fire was engulfing everything but his own doorstep, wracked his brain for a solution. Talks were the answer, in theory.

However, this hinged on one crucial prerequisite: the talks actually had to happen. Bush conveniently omitted this, confident that no one would refuse a meeting with the President of the United States.

Li Keqiang’s initial reaction to Bush’s urgent meeting request could be summarized as:

“What’s he trying to take this time?”

It was an understandable response. Bush’s visits to China were often accompanied by some form of concession or gain for the US. This time, however, there seemed little to take. Perhaps the only thing left was peace itself, in this increasingly turbulent era. Or, to put it another way, the preservation of globalization.

More specifically, maintaining the peace underpinned by American dominance. Of course, tacit agreement, if not outright surrender, could also be construed as a form of peace.

Recalling the Vietnam War, it couldn’t be said that absolute peace had been achieved in the past, but at least Bush hadn’t lost a war during his presidency, allowing him to argue that his version of peace had remained unbroken.

Regardless of the nuances, the underlying goal was ‘maintaining the status quo,’ and Li Keqiang saw little reason to welcome this urgent meeting request. Whether he understood Bush’s hidden agenda or not, he was already overwhelmed with work.

The reason was clear. The consensus among the Party’s meritocratically selected advisors – the ?? [Likely refers to a specific group or system of selecting talented individuals within the Chinese Communist Party. Further context would be needed for a precise translation or explanation.] – was that China was on the verge of internal division. Whether gradual or sudden, averting this outcome required drastic measures to completely reverse the situation.

Those drastic measures boiled down to two options: either issuing a declaration of war and decisively defeating the United States in a Sino-American War, or desperately clinging to the US and begging for assistance – in either case, finding a way to overcome the United States.

More fundamentally, the issue was the liquidation of those disastrous Qing Dynasty bonds [Bonds issued by the Qing Dynasty, which are now a source of contention and financial burden for China.]. The problem was that resolving this issue seemed to necessitate a war.

And China’s victory remained a distant prospect, primarily due to the deficiencies in both the quality and quantity of its conventional forces. While China would undoubtedly possess a numerical advantage in an all-out war, the era of simply overwhelming the enemy with manpower was drawing to a close.

Of course, the ultimate option was nuclear weapons. But what would that achieve? A nuclear war? Li Keqiang and the Party valued power, but they valued their homeland even more. Besides, their survival in a nuclear war was far from guaranteed.

The idea of threatening the United States with nuclear missiles – declaring, ‘We can’t continue to live like this!’ – had occurred to Jiang Zemin, then Hu Jintao, and finally Li Keqiang.

And the reason they never acted on it was, of course, the certainty of China’s destruction. Perhaps brandishing a nuclear weapon like a bat and threatening a home run might force the United States to back down, either by offering concessions or simply withdrawing. But what would happen after such a nuclear standoff?

The economy would collapse even further than it already had. While it might seem out of place in the age of capitalism, the economy wasn’t just about graphs, numbers, and money. Ultimately, it was people who earned and spent money.

First and foremost, all foreign capital would flee the country. Who would want to hold the national debt and corporate stocks of a country that used nuclear weapons to erase debt? Trade would also be severely disrupted.

Of course, the world had become too reliant on ‘Made in China’ to completely ignore it, but it wasn’t as if people couldn’t survive without it. Years of confrontation with the United States had provided ample time to develop alternatives.

Low-cost brands were already eyeing India and Southeast Asia. This was partly because China was gradually shifting away from low-cost manufacturing and focusing on high-end brands, and partly because the Southeast Asian market wasn’t yet large enough to fully replace China, so they were waiting.

However, to exacerbate the situation, American companies had begun investing heavily in Southeast Asia and India, creating a production volume large enough to offer a viable alternative.

In any case, this was just one of the many reasons why Li Keqiang was working himself to the bone. Just one reason, but this single issue spawned dozens, even hundreds, of other problems, like a tangled spider web.

With confronting the United States deemed an impossible option, the only remaining avenue was to control the military: to force them to obey through authority and power. But even that was proving difficult, as that power and authority had significantly diminished.

It hadn’t quite reached rock bottom, but it had declined to the point where it was incomparable to the past, when the military unquestioningly followed orders. As power weakened, dissent grew, and to suppress it, the Party had to make increasing concessions to the military.

The more power was decentralized from the center, the more blurred the lines became between whether the military served the Party or the Party served the military. So, what was the solution to this predicament?

The answer had been present from the beginning. As mentioned earlier, it was to make them kneel with ‘power and authority.’ If they couldn’t embrace everyone, it was time to empower some and marginalize others. If they couldn’t maintain the status quo or improve it, they had no choice but to eliminate the opposition.

No matter how powerful the United States was, it couldn’t interfere with national debt issues if China was embroiled in a civil war. And through civil war, they could purge the so-called reactionaries. Their only hope was that the divided military districts wouldn’t declare war on other countries.

‘In this state, everything will be settled within a week at the earliest, and within a year or two at the latest.’

A civil war was inevitable. The extent to which it could be minimized depended entirely on the power of Li Keqiang and the military personnel he trusted. And, more importantly, he trusted the people. Except for places like Hong Kong, the protests stemmed more from dissatisfaction with the United States than with the Party itself.

To be honest, the understanding of the general populace wasn’t particularly sophisticated. Some, clinging to superstition, still believed in Tecumseh’s curse [A belief that US presidents elected in years ending in zero will die in office.], and earnestly believed that if all Chinese people prayed together, the energy of the universe would aid them.

Of course, if things had continued for another 10 years, their understanding would have reached a globally competitive level, but it was cut short at an ambiguous point. While some individuals possessed exceptional talent, not everyone did, and they still largely placed their trust in the Party.

If they could make a decisive move within two years, they could use it as a stepping stone for China to become stronger. Their power would become more secure, and they would be able to quell rebellious elements in places like Hong Kong.

He knew it would be messy, but what choice did he have? The easiest and fastest way for China to become strong was to concentrate all power in the hands of the Party. Some argued that this would erode China from within, but he believed it was preferable to mob rule from a national perspective, even if it was detrimental to individual citizens.

A strong government makes a strong country. That was the Communist Party’s core belief.

Look. Honestly, isn’t the most successful country in the world right now the United States, even though I really don’t want to admit it? Isn’t the United States practically bending the law to place the country in the president’s grasp and wield it as he sees fit?

Of course, Li Keqiang held slightly different views in the past, but the world had changed him. The Li Keqiang of 2001 and the Li Keqiang of 2005 were completely different people.

It was only four years, but even if you brought Li Keqiang from the past, he would vehemently deny being the same person as the current Li Keqiang. He wasn’t exactly innocent in the past, but now he was beyond redemption.

I’m not talking about corruption. I’m talking about his character. To use an analogy, his character in the past was like a calm lake, unwavering in any situation. But now he was like a fighter wrestling in the mud.

In fact, it wasn’t even an analogy. He was truly becoming a fighter himself, battling against everything that opposed him.

I don’t know if this is a good thing, but I didn’t want to be assassinated and replaced like my predecessor.

Anyway, if a civil war broke out, the general sentiment within each military district would inevitably gravitate towards the center. And it was only natural for a leader without popular support to step down.

The worst-case scenario was the establishment of a federal system, but even that would be impossible if the people opposed it, and the people did oppose it.

In short, Li Keqiang was experiencing the true meaning of overwork. He used to pay only moderate attention to his health, but now he was seeking out and consuming anything rumored to be beneficial. No, he was simply forcing it down his throat.

And the one who instigated this situation, the culprit behind China’s potential division, the director attempting to orchestrate a tragedy of fratricide, was now requesting another meeting, as if to disrupt even the arrangements Li Keqiang was preparing. Did he really want to meet him?

To be honest, he wanted to quietly summon him, assassinate him with a pistol, and pickle his remains for future consumption. He would have no greater desire than to do that.

Yes, honestly, that’s why he didn’t want to meet him. He might kill him purely by accident. If he had a gun in his hand, or even a dining knife, no, a fountain pen. No, not even that, he might strangle him if his five senses were overwhelmed.

And if he killed him, it would be a major incident. The repercussions were beyond calculation. China and the United States would be forced into a fight to the death. That was all. Honestly, the chances of losing were high, but wasn’t there a chance of winning?

So, a part of him genuinely wanted to close his eyes and gamble everything on war. But Li Keqiang hadn’t lost his sense of reality, even in his desperation.

So, setting all that aside, why should he meet that detestable enemy simply because he requested it?

“No, well, let’s just meet and see.”

Ultimately, he was curious about what kind of trouble Bush would stir up in this already dire situation.

On this day, Li Keqiang’s change of heart determined the fate of the world beyond China.