George Bush’S Great America [EN]: Chapter 5

< Episode 4 >

There’s a saying, ‘리즈 시절’ (Riz Sijeol) [a Korean internet slang term originating from the soccer world, referring to a player’s prime; more generally, someone’s peak or golden age]. No other phrase captures it better. That’s exactly what America was like then. If you were to pick America’s prime, most people would immediately say it was between 2000 and 2001.

When the superpower America faced the global financial crisis and the Iraq War, entering a Great Recession with constant decline, the American people couldn’t help but feel doubt and revulsion towards their own country.

‘Make America Great Again!’ is the phrase that represents Donald Trump. And it planted a seed of hope in the hearts of Americans who were experiencing a recession. The crippled America was finally able to stand up, albeit with crutches.

However, in 2001, that phrase didn’t resonate. America at that time was truly in its prime, a golden age. There was no need to promise a return to greatness; the people already knew and lived in a ‘Great America!’

“Tips are pouring in from all sorts of sources.”

Even North Korea is expressing regret, saying terrorism is bad and that they have absolutely nothing to do with it, distancing themselves. What can the others do? Even if something comes up, they’ll be scrutinized from head to toe.

“So, did you contact the Taliban?”

“It’s Afghanistan.”

“To be precise, it’s the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The Taliban controls it. If you were to pick one of the most oppressive countries in the world, that would be it.”

“Afghanistan is refusing to hand over Osama bin Laden. But on the other hand, they seem to be trying to drive him out of the country somehow.”

“Is that perhaps a ‘recommendation’ for deportation?”

“Well, that is…”

The Chief of Staff hung his head as if he had no excuse.

“It seems that’s the case.”

“Is that what you call trying to drive him out? Huh?”

“I’m sorry.”

And he lowered his head again, almost to the point of snapping his neck. I was starting to feel sorry for him, so I ordered him not to bend his head more than 15 degrees from now on.

Andrew Card. He’s my Chief of Staff, and at the same time, he was the former Secretary of Transportation, served as the chairman of the American Automobile Manufacturers Association, and even became the vice president at General Motors. But more importantly than his abilities, he was a close confidant who was loyal to President Bush Sr.

Moreover, he described the virtues of a Chief of Staff as a thick skin, an attentive and gentle attitude, and a firm resolution to execute any order.

The virtues he spoke of were the perfect qualities I needed in a person right now.

“Hmm, I see. I think I can trust you.”

There were many potential enemies in this White House. No, not enemies yet, but it was more accurate to say that there were many who belonged to the Vice President’s faction. If they obediently followed my orders, there wouldn’t be a problem, but if they followed the Vice President instead of the President in an emergency, that would be a big problem.

Among them, the most key figures were as follows:

Lewis Libby. He was a Special Counsel to the President and also a National Security Advisor, as well as an advisor to Vice President Dick Cheney. The problem was that his rank was higher than that of my close aides. So, reports that should have come to me were often intercepted because of this man.

Mary Matalin. She was an advisor and also a political advisor to the Vice President. A unique point was that she was married to a Democratic politician, and perhaps because of that, she switched to the Libertarian Party after Vice President Dick Cheney lost power. Therefore, she was the most ambiguous person.

David Addington. He was a brilliant legal advisor attached to the Vice President and an absolute believer in the unitary executive theory [a constitutional theory positing that the President controls the entire executive branch]. The problem was that it was subtly being twisted around the Vice President through clever legal interpretations.

“From now on, I want you to secure these two people I mentioned, no matter what.”

Upon hearing the names of the two, Chief of Staff Andrew Card’s expression changed strangely.

“Is that a personal order from the President? Or is it related to the national interest?”

“Both.”

Dick Cheney described George W. Bush as a ‘sensory leader.’ Perhaps that wasn’t wrong. I had enough knowledge to calculate and move perfectly, but in reality, I was choosing strategies based on where my gut led me.

But that didn’t mean these instincts would be a disadvantage.

“Understood. Is there anything else you need me to do?”

“I’m interested in advanced military technology. You probably know that I’m from the Air Force, so I won’t bother mentioning it.”

“The X series or the ATF project?”

The X series is the US experimental aircraft development program. The ATF project refers to the development project of the famous F-22 Raptor. The YF-22 was probably in the midst of preparing for its first mass production plan.

“No. Neither of them.”

“Then?”

“RQ-1. Are you familiar with it?”

The RQ-1 is better known as the MQ-1 Predator, which proved its usefulness as an attack aircraft in Afghanistan and changed its name in 2002.

“You’re talking about unmanned reconnaissance aircraft.”

“I honestly didn’t expect that. You’re really excellent.”

I was serious. At this point, the drone business was a kind of outsider that no one paid attention to. The reasons varied, such as lack of trust and the feeling that they were like toys, but ultimately, it was due to the lack of demonstrable results.

“It’s an honor.”

“Increase production and move up the tests a bit. That much shouldn’t be a burden on the allocated budget.”

“Understood.”

“Oh, and I’d like you to look into the Republican Party’s servers. Especially the backup side.”

“Servers?”

“Yes, the Republican Party’s servers. I’m talking about the intranet.”

“Even for the President, the resistance will be considerable.”

Well, of course. It’s about exposing their own flaws.

“Do it secretly. Covertly.”

“Understood.”

I wouldn’t have even brought it up to anyone else. Andrew Card, as I knew him, was capable of doing it and was the pinnacle of my closest aides.

“Oh, one last thing.”

“What is it?”

“Bring in Colin L. Powell.”

Colin Powell appeared in the President’s office just a few minutes after being summoned, wearing gold-rimmed glasses and carrying a stack of documents. His appearance was like the answer to the question of what happens when a soldier becomes a politician.

“Secretary of State Colin Powell.”

“Yes, Mr. President.”

“I know about foreign policy and the Constitution, but I’m not very knowledgeable about military strategy. So, I’d like to ask for your opinion.”

Colin Luther Powell. The Gulf War. Especially within that Gulf War, he was a seasoned and aging officer who perfectly executed Operation Desert Storm. His career profile was remarkable. At the time, it was very difficult for a black man to reach the rank of four-star general, but he managed to put four stars on his shoulders. Furthermore, despite being a ROTC graduate, he was the first ROTC graduate to serve as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Eventually, he entered the Bush administration and became the first black Secretary of State.

“I’d like to ask how well the current situation fits the Powell Doctrine.”

The Powell Doctrine is a supplement to the Weinberger Doctrine, which Colin Powell advocated in 1984, consisting of a set of eight questions:

1. Is a vital national security interest threatened?

2. Do we have a clear and attainable objective?

3. Have the risks and costs been fully and frankly analyzed?

4. Have all other non-violent policy means been fully exhausted?

5. Is there a plausible exit strategy to avoid endless entanglement?

6. Have the consequences of our action been fully considered?

7. Is the action supported by the American people?

8. Do we have genuine broad international support?

Colin Powell, who had finished calculating as quickly as he had advocated it, immediately replied.

“There are too many conditions that are not met at the moment.”

It had only been a day since the terrorist attacks, and the administration and the Department of Defense were in disarray. It wasn’t quite a reorganization, but at least there had to be time to assess the situation and gather supplies. It was a valid argument.

“Then how long should we wait?”

“Generously, a month. At the earliest, two weeks.”

“Then let’s change the subject. What if it’s not war, but an arrest?”

“I’m sorry, Mr. President. What you’re saying is no different from war. We’ll be using the same equipment, the same soldiers, and the same strategies. It’s just a word game.”

Perhaps if the person asking wasn’t the President of the United States, Powell would have been angry or laughed in disbelief. It also implied, ‘What would a man who was in a sidelined position, criticized as a champagne unit [a unit perceived as enjoying comfortable conditions far from the front lines], know about war?’

“That would be the case if we were to occupy the country.”

“Are you saying…?”

Powell’s expression twisted as if he were seeing something bizarre. Whether we occupy it or not, if armies clash, isn’t that war? I knew that well too. But the concept I was about to present was somewhat different from the existing concept of war.

“I know the Pottery Barn rule you believe in, but I don’t think we can do that this time.”

The Pottery Barn rule is a saying derived from the Pottery Barn home goods store, which states that if a displayed product is damaged, the customer must purchase it. In short, it meant that if you made a mess in another country, you should clean it up properly.

At first, it was difficult to know whether it was image management based on political inclinations or whether that was his true personality, but now I felt that there were more complex reasons than that. He was a soldier of the United States of America no matter what he did. Perhaps it was a statement considering America’s international prestige.

“Go in, sweep everything away, arrest or kill Osama bin Laden, put up a few pro-American figures, give some international aid to that government, and then completely wash our hands of it. You can think of it as a somewhat large-scale arrest process. The actual actions will be the same.”

“Mr. President. You know how difficult that is, even though it sounds easy.”

Yes, it sounded easy. The operation I described had fatal flaws. First of all, if Osama bin Laden was not captured, it would inevitably lead to a long-term war. Secondly, whether we could secure pro-American figures. It was also uncertain whether the people of Afghanistan would accept the regime put forward by the United States.

“If we can only capture or kill Osama bin Laden, I can handle the rest. I have no intention of pushing promising young people into the Middle East just to maintain my presidency. I dare to swear on my father’s name.”

“Then, Mr. President. Promise me just one thing.”

“Tell me.”

“No Iraq.”

I had a rough idea why he was mentioning Iraq. People think that the reason why the United States started the Iraq War was to strengthen its dominance over the oil-rich Middle East. Half right and half wrong.

This was entirely the position of the Vice President and the neoconservatives within the administration, and George W. Bush, who was lacking but kind at the time, had other thoughts. That was because Saddam Hussein insulted and attempted to assassinate his father, George. Moreover, when he heard about the information about weapons of mass destruction, which was fabricated by the Vice President’s side, he firmly believed that it was a war of justice.

So, in reality, the Iraq War can be seen as an incident in which the entire territory of Iraq was burned due to the filial piety of Bush Jr.

And I had no intention of throwing myself into that desert swamp at all, ever, never.

“There will be no occupation or strikes elsewhere. Then how much more time can you cut down?”

So, when I promised that at once, Colin Powell looked very surprised. He still seemed to be somewhat suspicious, but he realized that he had to do as he was told anyway, so he made a somewhat serious expression, estimated the capabilities of the US military in his mind, and finally opened his mouth.

“Give me a week.”

Colin Powell left those words and began to move busily.

“Damn it. Being the President of the United States is terribly tiring.”

This position was more mentally uncomfortable than physically. The operation had been approved by Congress, so if it failed, it was entirely my responsibility. With one word from me, someone’s father, someone’s son, could return as a cold corpse in a foreign land.

But there was no way to stop the madness sweeping across the United States, which stemmed from 9/11. So, the best thing to do was to move as quickly and precisely as possible to minimize losses, no matter what.

“A week, huh.”

* * *

September 18, 2001. Pakistan.

“Mr. President. There’s a call from the US Embassy.”

“From the US Embassy? They called directly instead of going through diplomatic channels?”

Pervez Musharraf. He was a dictator from Pakistan who came from the position of Chief of Staff and based his power on a coup d’état regime. He understood the world situation and reality well enough to carry out secular politics even among Islamic regimes.

“Well, who is it? It’s not a call from the embassy level if it’s this much.”

“Well, that is…”

The Chief of Staff looked very embarrassed, glancing back and forth between the President and the receiver.

“Who is it?”

“He says he’s the President of the United States.”

The President of the United States? Well, it was about time for a call. However, he had no idea that it would be in this form. Anyway, Pervez Musharraf suspiciously brought the receiver to his ear.

「Hello. Mr. President of Pakistan. I don’t know what kind of thoughts and ideologies you have, but I know at least one thing more clearly than anyone else.」

“What is it?”

「You have exactly one hour left.」

“One hour? What nonsense are you talking about?”

「The US Air Force will be passing through Pakistani airspace in one hour. If you grant us the right to use it, there won’t be any unusual problems. The husband will work, and the wife will cook. The children will play… Oh, that’s right. Our United States is a land of freedom. The husband and wife might be doing the opposite.」

“What is that!”

「Oh, you want to hear something different than American democracy?」

What exactly would the leader of the country with the most powerful military in the world say? He licked his parched lips, feeling like Pandora opening Pandora’s box.

「The Stone Age.」

“The Stone Age?”

「I will turn Pakistan back to the Stone Age.」

Pervez Musharraf eventually stopped even responding and remained silent.

「Now, choose. You’re with US. or against US.」