He Became Napoleon’S Genius Son [EN]: Chapter 260

(260) The Brumaire General Election Begins

Even with a well-defined structure, elections are always fraught with tension.

“Alright, everyone. This election is a national event. Compile lists of influential local figures from each region and dispatch campaigners and secret envoys.”

Château de Malmaison, an old castle nestled in the western suburbs of Paris, served as the meeting place.

Originally, this site was an abandoned castle used by a noble family during the era of the monarchy.

However, upon Napoleon’s request for a residence befitting his status, Josephine, with her keen eye, personally selected this location.

The price: 350,000 francs.

In the original timeline, Napoleon, short on funds but rich in power, secured a loan from a banker to purchase it.

But now, with his son also working as a banker, the loan was swiftly processed by the Marseille Bonaparte Banque de Paris.

The repayment period is structured over 100 years, effectively making it a monthly rental.

Here at Malmaison, the 18-year-old Eugene Bonaparte convened a meeting with pro-Bonaparte politicians.

“We cannot afford to let our guard down, not even for a moment. Constitutional amendments can be achieved through force, but voting cannot be coerced.”

“Are you concerned it might be rejected? If so, you needn’t worry.”

Eugene turned to Auguste Robespierre and shrugged. “President Auguste, do you recall how many times the constitution has been amended now?”

“This is the fifth time. Since the revolution began in 1789, it’s been changed five times in ten years. It wouldn’t be surprising if the voters were weary and opposed to it.”

Ten years have elapsed since the Tennis Court Oath [a pivotal event in the early days of the French Revolution].

During that time, France underwent revolutionary upheaval, changing its political system repeatedly.

It wouldn’t be strange if the people were tired of it all.

Moreover, in the original timeline, the constitution was changed during a coup.

Furthermore, the three-consul system wasn’t significantly different from the five-director system from an outsider’s perspective.

The only similarity to the present is the 10-year term.

However, Desmoulins, seated on one side of the conference room and leafing through the draft constitution, spoke up.

“General Young Bonaparte, I hold a different opinion.”

“What would you like to say, President Desmoulins?”

“Judging by President Salicetti’s reaction this time, it seems the plan hasn’t been fully embraced even within the Bonaparte faction. Isn’t that correct?”

Eugene turned to the journalist Desmoulins, who had a slight stutter, and nodded.

“That’s right. It’s a decision my father made on the battlefield. Originally, the goal was to defeat Austria and dismantle the Empire, the root of all evil. But after dismantling it, a new government was necessary.”

Of course, only half of that statement was true.

Naturally, the decision was made by Napoleon.

However, the establishment of a new government takes precedence, with dismantling Austria as a secondary objective.

Yet, in the world of politics, justification outweighs warfare.

Even if it’s merely a facade, it requires justification to gain people’s belief and stir their emotions.

Sometimes, this facade possesses such immense power that it even sways the person who conceived it.

The mere prospect of dismantling the Austrian Empire is igniting enthusiasm throughout France.

Now, even if Napoleon suddenly desired to save Austria, he couldn’t.

Even Desmoulins is convinced.

“Okay, I’ll believe it. But not all Bonaparte supporters will be convinced. Furthermore, neither will the congressmen.”

“What are you trying to say?”

“The Council of Five Hundred may seem like a joke, but they are all influential figures in their respective localities. They don’t simply come to Paris to act as rubber stamps. When they return to their hometowns, they are all major landowners or wealthy merchants.”

Now, without stuttering, Desmoulins stated with a serious expression, “Persuade them first. Of course, young General Bonaparte doesn’t need to handle this personally.”

Even though Eugene had stirred the citizens of Paris in the Champ de Mars [a large public space in Paris], the congressmen remained unmoved.

Even with the threat of guns and swords, as in the original Brumaire Coup [the coup that brought Napoleon to power], persuading the congressmen wouldn’t be easy.

In fact, Napoleon ultimately failed to persuade them, and Murat ended up driving the congressmen out.

Eugene also recalled this historical event and nodded in agreement.

“There must be a key individual. Who else should I meet besides the presidents?”

Desmoulins paused for a moment, then counted on his fingers. “First, there’s Cambacérès.”

“That gourmet? I know he’s a former member of the Committee of Public Safety [a powerful body during the French Revolution], but…”

“He’s well-suited to lead the moderate revolutionary faction. He also represents lawyers, a crucial support group for the bourgeois revolutionary faction.”

Jean-Jacques Cambacérès, who would be elected as one of the three consuls in the original timeline.

He’s often perceived as merely a figurehead in history, but in reality, he’s an important figure.

This is because Cambacérès is the actual drafter of the renowned Napoleonic Code [a comprehensive system of laws established in France].

He was as famous as a gourmet as Talleyrand and was also known for being homosexual within the highest echelons of power. In the original timeline, he served as the Grand Chancellor, protecting Paris in Napoleon’s absence.

Eugene paused for a moment to recall that fact, then smiled and replied, “President Desmoulins, you can handle the journalists.”

“There are limits to that, but I’ll give it a try for now. Next is Lebrun.”

“Huh? If it’s ‘Lebrun,’ isn’t he a painter?”

Desmoulins raised his eyebrows, then broke into laughter. “As expected of the Princess’s Knight. I’m not referring to Vigée Le Brun, the royal family’s exclusive female painter. I’m talking about Charles-François Lebrun, the former Minister of Administration and current influential figure in the Senate.”

Vigée Le Brun was none other than the painter who painted the portrait of Antoinette [Marie Antoinette, Queen of France].

She was a rare female painter in this era, and she herself was famous for her beauty.

In fact, there were rumors that Antoinette kept her by her side because of her beauty.

Of course, Desmoulins wasn’t talking about ‘Lebrun,’ but about the Senator ‘Lebrun,’ a prominent figure in the moderate royalist faction who had even served as the King’s Secretary.

He’s also a legal scholar, well-versed in financial matters, and in later history, Napoleon appointed him as the Arch-Treasurer.

He’s also the Third Consul in the original timeline.

Eugene also nodded, recalling the original history. “I understand. Persuading the two of them will be easy.”

“Huh? Well, it won’t be easy because they are big shots. Finally, we need Sieyès.”

“Isn’t he already retired?”

Sieyès, the elder statesman of the revolution who penned the famous ‘What is the Third Estate?’ [a political pamphlet that helped launch the French Revolution].

In fact, he was also the real initiator of the Brumaire Coup in the original timeline.

However, once Napoleon took the lead, he was stripped of his position and ousted.

Desmoulins calmly persuaded Eugene, who was showing a slight reluctance. “Rather, that’s precisely why he’s needed. To persuade those who harbor doubts about this constitutional amendment.”

He isn’t strictly necessary.

However, there’s a reason why Eugene chose the election in the first place.

It’s to execute all power transfer operations legally, with the citizens’ consent.

If there’s a way to prevent disruption, even a shady power broker is needed.

“I understand. I’ll entrust the election organization to President Auguste.”

The moment Eugene’s approval and request were made simultaneously, Auguste, a Napoleon fanatic, sparkled his eyes.

“Just leave it to me. I was in charge of organization management even when my brother was alive.”

Now, it was time for the Bonapartists to mobilize.

***

However, elections aren’t solely conducted by dignitaries.

“Join the Clève de Bonaparte! A new era, a new constitution, a new leader!”

Orators shouted in various parts of Paris, and citizens flocked to them.

The piles of Clève [French for “club”] membership applications were reminiscent of the early days of the revolution.

At that time, the Jacobins [a radical political organization during the French Revolution] enjoyed similar popularity.

Suddenly, Hippolyte, walking down the streets of Paris with his hat pulled low, asked Eugene.

“What? Wasn’t the Clève de Bonaparte supposed to be about us, the core members?”

“That’s the Clève de Napoléon, Hippolyte.”

“It’s easy to misunderstand just by the name. But, what’s the difference between that and the Jacobin Club, the Girondin Club [a moderate political faction during the French Revolution], or the Feuillant Club [a monarchist political group during the French Revolution]?”

The name is Clève, which translates to Club in English, but it’s virtually the same as a political party.

It’s not as systematized as modern political party organizations in the original timeline.

However, the Jacobins, Girondins, and Feuillants are all similar in that they operate as factional organizations.

However, the so-called Napoleonic Party, or Bonapartists, is different.

“It’s a club that follows a leader, not an ideology.”

As Hippolyte watched Armand Ganet shouting as one of the orators in the distance, he tilted his head.

“Is that different from the monarchy? Coincidentally, a former royal adoptee is running as an activist?”

“It’s different. It’s easy to become a dictator, but ultimately, politics is shaped by leaders and followers. Robespierre demonstrated what happens when you rely solely on ideology, right?”

“Then, is it okay to follow a leader?”

Eugene paused for a moment, then smiled wryly. “If they don’t do crazy things like invading Russia, I suppose so?”

In fact, it’s common for political parties to be run by leaders and followers in emerging countries.

However, if this stage isn’t overcome and transformed into an ideology, policy, and mass party, it’s easy to become a one-man dictatorship.

Of course, Eugene was envisioning a constitutional monarchy anyway.

Next to Eugene, lost in thought, Hippolyte burst into laughter.

“Is General Bonaparte crazy? To invade Russia.”

“Yeah, if he wasn’t crazy, he wouldn’t go.”

“Oh, but when I think about it, he was going to go to Egypt. No, wait. But who are we meeting now?”

Eugene replied succinctly to Hippolyte, who made a sharp observation. “Talleyrand.”

Café Procope, a famous establishment located south of the Seine.

It’s traditionally a place frequented by revolutionaries.

Eugene, known as the Princess’s Knight, is now a proud victor of the revolutionary army.

There’s no reason for him to come here while concealing his identity with a hat.

Unless it’s for a secret conversation.

Talleyrand, who had arrived first and was seated, sipped his coffee and raised his hand.

“You’re old enough to drink coffee now, Monsieur Bonaparte.”

“Just call me Freischütz. It’s easy to get confused with my father.”

“Haha, very well. General Freischütz. Now, what brings you to see me?”

Eugene took a sip of coffee and immediately handed over a document.

-Swish.

Talleyrand elegantly inquired without even glancing at it. “What is this?”

“It’s a list of bribes you’ve recently received. From the United States, the Austrian royal family, and, oddly enough, there’s also a bribe from the Danish royal family.”

“Hmm, merely gifts. Did you come to warn me?”

Eugene stared at Talleyrand, who remained calm, and replied. “If I intended to pursue you, I would have summoned the security forces instead of meeting you like this, wouldn’t I? I’m showing it to you to expedite the conversation, Monsieur Talleyrand.”

Ordinarily, persuading someone like Talleyrand takes considerable time.

But Eugene doesn’t have time to waste.

So, he openly revealed that he had uncovered his weakness.

Talleyrand seemed to quickly grasp the situation like a professional.

“Okay. What do you want me to do?”

Eugene cut to the chase from the start. “Persuade Sieyès to support the constitutional amendment and endorse my father as consul.”

Sieyès is a shady schemer from the revolutionary period.

Originally, he was even plotting a new coup when Napoleon faced the crisis of Marengo [a battle in 1800 where Napoleon secured victory] in the original timeline.

Therefore, Eugene doesn’t particularly want to go and persuade him himself.

But someone has to go and persuade him.

Here, Talleyrand is the perfect man.

Because he himself is a schemer.

Talleyrand quietly looked at Eugene and tilted his head. “As far as I know, you need to persuade two more people?”

“Did Salicetti tell you? If it’s Cambacérès and Lebrun, I’ve already met them.”

“Huh, that’s fast. Did you persuade them?”

Eugene responded coldly. “I presented what they desired. Monsieur Talleyrand, it’s your turn. Bring Sieyès to Malmaison by tomorrow. Then, I’ll turn a blind eye to the bribes you received from Austria, an enemy country.”

In any case, Cambacérès and Lebrun become Napoleon’s supporters even in the original timeline.

So, from Eugene’s perspective, they weren’t a burden.

On the other hand, Talleyrand, whose thoughts are difficult to decipher, is a burden.

Nevertheless, this snake is needed now.

“Let’s do that, Monsieur Freischütz.”

Eugene got up, thinking that Napoleon must have felt like this in the original timeline.

Leaving behind Talleyrand, who was like a fox.

***

Again, a meeting was held at Malmaison.

-Swoosh!

This time, it’s not a secret meeting, but a large-scale gathering.

-〈Celebration of the Birth of Clève de Bonaparte〉

The countless printed materials on the table tell the story of this event.

It’s the birth of the pro-Bonaparte club.

On the platform, Eugene, wearing a general’s uniform, stood and spoke loudly.

“I sincerely thank the representatives of France who have gathered here.”

Jean-Jacques Cambacérès, Charles-François Lebrun, Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès,

Here, political figures such as Roger Ducos, who briefly served as the Second Consul in the original timeline, also attended.

But the most important figures are separate.

The Corsican Salicetti, the stuttering Desmoulins, and Auguste, Robespierre’s brother.

At that time, Lucien Bonaparte, a member of the Council of Five Hundred, asked in a disgruntled voice. “Let’s not talk long. Eugene, or General Freischütz. What do we do now?”

Although his face seems full of dissatisfaction, Lucien will follow this time.

Because all the elites agree that the five-director system is plunging the republic into crisis.

It’s just that no one has agreed on the next system.

Now, it was time for the revolutionary army to present that system.

Eugene, the hero of the Orient, who returned to Paris representing the revolutionary army, declared. “We will amend the constitution and hold a consular election due to the absence of candidates. This time, in the month of Brumaire.”

The general election began in Brumaire, the 11th month of the revolutionary calendar.