Mining And Construction Tycoon [EN]: Chapter 191

191. Kim Jong-pyo’s Counterattack (1)

Central Intelligence Agency interrogation room.

Kim Jong-pyo looked at the man sitting across the table.

“You look worse than I thought. Why would the head of a chaebol [a large South Korean business conglomerate] be going through such a rough time?”

Does he really not know?

Han Cheong-ho raised his blotchy face to look at Kim Jong-pyo.

Laughter, strained and weak, escaped his torn and parched lips.

“What brings you here?”

After ignoring all his desperate calls for help.

Kim Jong-pyo wasn’t one to visit without a purpose.

Wasn’t he a more calculating and ruthless strategist than anyone else?

“I don’t see how I could be of any use to you in this situation.”

As soon as Han Cheong-ho was taken into custody by the Central Intelligence Agency, everyone turned their backs on him, fearing they might be implicated.

Those who had taken bribes from Han Cheong-ho were the first to do so.

Kim Jong-pyo was no different.

The fact that he came all the way to the Central Intelligence Agency himself meant he intended to use him as a pawn.

“I can get you out of here.”

“And Shin Ji-soo, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, agrees to this?”

For some reason, Shin Ji-soo, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, was adamant.

He stated firmly that Han Cheong-ho’s imprisonment was a foregone conclusion.

But that didn’t matter.

Kim Jong-pyo unlocked his fingers and spoke subtly.

“Wouldn’t prison be better than the Central Intelligence Agency interrogation room?”

To offer that as a suggestion, the thought of avoiding torture was tempting.

Han Cheong-ho’s face crumpled.

Kim Jong-pyo smiled victoriously as he looked at Han Cheong-ho’s face.

“How about using a special pardon?”

“Special pardon?”

A light returned to Han Cheong-ho’s eyes.

Who exercises the special pardon that Kim Jong-pyo was talking about?

It was the President.

“There will be a presidential election in December.”

With Park Jeong-hwan dead and martial law in effect, Kim Jong-pyo, the acting president, was preparing for the next general election.

“I will have to become the president.”

Being just the acting president wasn’t enough.

Now that he had seized the real power that Park Jeong-hwan had blocked, he wanted more.

Kim Jong-pyo didn’t hide his ambition.

“We’ll have to convene the delegates of the National Conference for Unification at the Jangchung Gymnasium.”

National Conference for Unification.

It was an organization created under the Yushin Constitution [a series of constitutional changes implemented in South Korea in 1972 by President Park Chung-hee to solidify his power].

It adopted indirect elections instead of a presidential direct election system.

“Isn’t it a worthwhile challenge to win the next presidential election by swaying a mere 2,500 or so electors?”

Park Jeong-hwan barely won against candidate Kim Dae-jun by a mere 95 votes, even after spending 70 billion won [South Korean currency] on election expenses during the 7th presidential election.

That was when the entire national budget of South Korea was about 490 billion won.

Feeling a sense of crisis from that event, Park Jeong-hwan pushed through the Yushin Constitution and revised the election law.

In principle, it looked similar to the American system, but in reality, it was completely different.

It had simply become a formality institution for Park Jeong-hwan’s long-term rule.

“Since it’s a system that Park Jeong-hwan left behind, we should make good use of it.”

Under the Yushin Constitution, the president’s authority was immense.

The chairman of the National Conference for Unification was the incumbent president.

He also had the power to appoint and dismiss judges, including Supreme Court justices.

In short, he held all three branches of government in his hands.

Moreover, the composition of the delegates could be tailored to the regime’s liking.

“So, you came to me because you need my bribery ledger.”

“Few people spread bribes as evenly, widely, and far as Cheongil’s Han Cheong-ho, both up and down the ranks.”

Han Cheong-ho and Kim Jong-pyo laughed at the same time.

“A special pardon to commemorate the presidential inauguration and your bribery ledger. How about we trade?”

It was a very sweet offer.

* * *

Saudi Khalid’s mansion guest room.

Tae-soo opened his eyes.

He was a little tired from the drinking session that lasted until dawn.

‘But the harvest was quite good.’

A lavish party was held, alcohol flowed, he quickly became friendly with people, and business talks went well.

He had scattered tempting bait to those who showed interest in Tae-soo’s business.

All that was left was to wait for them to return to their families.

His peers from influential families didn’t have any real power yet.

‘There was competition over whether to acquire the Western oil companies that were kicked out of the Middle East due to the oil shock and bring in their technology, or to buy Rockefeller’s technology.’

The result was satisfactory.

-I will visit you in person with satisfactory conditions.

Ellis Rockefeller’s heart had leaned heavily in his favor.

It was the result Tae-soo had intended.

It was also the reason why he attended Rahman’s drinking party instead of preparing the documents as she suggested.

Knock knock.

It was the sound of someone knocking on Tae-soo’s room.

He opened the door in his gown to find his secretary, Song Chang-joon, with a stiff expression.

“What’s the matter?”

“Jangsoo Bank sent news from Korea.”

Song Chang-joon handed over a telegram.

Tae-soo received the telegram.

Kim Jong-pyo Press Conference Canceled

It was Tae-soo who had demanded that the Korea-Japan Continental Shelf Treaty be revealed.

What did it mean that the press conference was canceled?

“Kim Jong-pyo has no intention of keeping his promise.”

Knowing that the Central Intelligence Agency was aiming a knife at him, there was only one reason he would do this.

“It must be because he thinks he can cover everything up once he becomes president.”

Song Chang-joon added.

“A bigger problem has arisen. It seems difficult to sell the Taeyang Apartments right now.”

“What are you talking about? Construction is already complete.”

“They are defining the model house as an illegal structure and are trying to make an issue out of it.”

Model houses are a sales promotion method that appeared in the 80s.

Were there still people who weren’t familiar with model houses?

“It seems they are even preparing a surprise bill targeting Taeyang Apartments.”

He handed over a telegram.

Measures to prevent noise and dust pollution from residents: Restrictions on the development and sale of luxury apartments

“I’ll have to hear the details from Korea, but…”

“It certainly seems to be a policy aimed at Taeyang Apartments.”

They were making an issue out of changing the construction permit for 58 Taeyang Apartment buildings to 12 buildings.

“It seems the content will prohibit the sale of apartments according to the first and second sequential development.”

The intention was to delay the process by using the model house as an excuse and to block the sale of Taeyang Apartments by passing a surprise bill.

Tae-soo squeezed his hand, crumpling the telegram mercilessly.

“Elder Ahn Jung-woo should have secured most of the Democratic Republican Party members.”

“It seems Kim Jong-pyo is interfering quite a bit. It seems there are many difficulties.”

“This is no time to be here.”

He thought that he could just focus on his business since he had set up the board to this extent.

But Kim Jong-pyo was a seasoned politician, and Ahn Jung-woo had just entered politics.

Things didn’t seem to be going as smoothly as he had thought.

“I heard that Kim Jong-pyo met Han Cheong-ho at the Central Intelligence Agency.”

“Han Cheong-ho? If there’s a reason to go out of his way to meet him…”

“It’s not just Han Cheong-ho. You know that Kim Jong-pyo has been meeting with prominent figures every day, right?”

Song Chang-joon took out another telegram and handed it over.

“A telegram also came from Daewoon Pavilion in Seongbuk-dong.”

July 4th, Friday, 7 PM. Kim Jong-pyo Reservation

‘I have no choice.’

Tae-soo decided.

“I have to go back to Korea right away.”

All the business here was finished.

“The fastest flight is a flight via Bangkok, scheduled to depart in 5 days.”

“That’s too late. Let’s go faster, even if it means adding more stopovers.”

“Since there are few flights to Korea, I’ll check for flights to Japan. Even if we have to go around Europe, I’ll try to reduce the estimated time of arrival.”

Song Chang-joon left.

Tae-soo’s eyes, dressed in a suit, turned fierce.

“Kim Jong-pyo. So, you mean you can’t abandon your ambition after all.”

He was a man who had been called Park Jeong-hwan’s purse and had harmed the regime by parasitizing on it.

But there was no direct conflict with Tae-soo, so there was no resentment.

It was just that their goals differed regarding the next presidential seat, so he was willing to turn a blind eye if Kim Jong-pyo stepped down willingly.

But Kim Jong-pyo was blatantly clinging to Taeyang Apartments.

“If it’s going to be a mud fight, I’m confident in that too.”

Tae-soo was constantly racking his brain about how Kim Jong-pyo would come out.

Tae-soo was also contemplating how to stop Kim Jong-pyo.

“If you block Taeyang Apartments with your power, I have no choice but to break through in the same way.”

Touching Taeyang Apartments was a clear provocation.

It was a warning that if Kim Jong-pyo became the next president, the remaining affiliates would suffer the same fate, starting with Taeyang Apartments.

At that moment.

Knock knock.

It was Rahman.

[What? Returning home? Why suddenly?]

When he grabbed Song Chang-joon, who was running away, the sound of returning home suddenly popped out.

[I was just about to visit you to say goodbye. Something urgent came up in Korea.]

[If it’s urgent, there’s nothing I can do.]

Seeing Tae-soo’s cold eyes, he realized that he couldn’t stop him.

Rahman nodded.

[When are you leaving?]

[I’m planning to leave as soon as I get a plane ticket.]

[I can help you with that.]

Rahman smiled.

[Royal jet, have you ever ridden one?]

You’ll be able to return home very quickly and safely.

* * *

Daewoon Pavilion in Seongbuk-dong, Seoul.

In a high-end restaurant, a secret meeting was held again today.

Kim Jong-pyo picked up a porcelain sake pot and filled the glasses.

“The Prosecutor General should come to the executive branch after this term. I’m preparing a position as Minister of Justice for you.”

Prosecutor General Kim Cha-yeol smiled.

“Minister of Justice… That’s quite an attractive position.”

He was a man who had been called by Park Jeong-hwan and returned to the bureaucracy as the Deputy Director of Domestic Affairs of the Central Intelligence Agency in 1970, and had been Park Jeong-hwan’s sword, performing his duties admirably.

He directed the kidnapping of Assemblyman Kim Dae-jun in 1973 and was involved in espionage fabrication cases such as the suspicious death of Professor Choi Jong-gul.

As a result, he gained Park Jeong-hwan’s trust and was promoted to Prosecutor General in December of the same year.

“Even if President Park is gone, shouldn’t those who shared the same roots be scattered? We must gather together and share the glory.”

In his previous life, Prosecutor General Kim Cha-yeol was also designated as an illicit wealth accumulator by Chun Doo-hwan’s New Military Group and had his assets confiscated.

In short, he was a figure deeply involved in the four major corruption cases of the Park Jeong-hwan regime designed by Kim Jong-pyo.

“Do you know that Shin Ji-soo, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, is digging into the past? The four major suspicions, I mean.”

Kim Cha-yeol’s eyebrows immediately went up.

“Shin Ji-soo? Why is that bastard suddenly doing that?”

“Kim Jae-guk and the Central Intelligence Agency agents under his command were deeply involved in the presidential assassination, weren’t they? He’s trying to turn that arrow elsewhere.”

Clang.

Kim Cha-yeol slammed the porcelain sake cup down roughly.

“How many cases have the Central Intelligence Agency and the prosecution jointly investigated? He’s not saying he’s going to use me as a sacrifice to save himself, is he?”

“Why wouldn’t he? The assassin of the president is Kim Jae-guk, and it turns out that all the wiretapping records are the work of the Central Intelligence Agency. Do you think he’ll just stand by and watch the Central Intelligence Agency be dismantled?”

“Even if his feet are on fire, he shouldn’t do that!”

Kim Jong-pyo coaxed Kim Cha-yeol, who was fuming, by filling his glass.

“So, Prosecutor General Kim also needs to find a way to survive. I will open that way for you.”

If Kim Jong-pyo becomes the next president, the four major suspicions of Park Jeong-hwan will naturally be cleanly covered up.

Kim Cha-yeol received the drink with a satisfied expression.

Kim Jong-pyo smiled softly and handed the sake pot to another person.

The person receiving the drink was Roh Tae-oh.

“General Roh, you’ve been particularly noisy these days, haven’t you?”

“Why wouldn’t I be? The Army Chief of Staff is running wild, saying he’s going to purge the Oseonghoe [a secret society of military officers] forces.”

Roh Tae-oh was a classmate of Chun Doo-hwan at the Korea Military Academy and was a key figure who decided on the Oseonghoe together.

Also, when the Chun Doo-hwan regime came to power, he became a key figure in the regime, the second-in-command, but was checked by the first-in-command.

At that time, Roh Tae-oh went to Kim Jong-pyo and listened to advice on how to act as the second-in-command.

Also, towards the end of Chun Doo-hwan’s term, wasn’t he even designated as Chun Doo-hwan’s political successor?

“At this rate, I might have to take off my military uniform soon.”

Thanks to not attending Chun Doo-hwan’s wedding, he avoided being dragged away.

This was because Roh Tae-oh had conspired to seize the army if Chun Doo-hwan held onto the generals at the wedding.

But the coup failed.

“Hang in there somehow. If you help me with my work for sure, I will prepare a good position for General Roh as well.”

Kim Jong-pyo needed the power of Roh Tae-oh and the Oseonghoe.

This is because he is dreaming of becoming the second Park Jeong-hwan.

The power that allowed Park Jeong-hwan to carry out a long-term military dictatorship came from the military, didn’t it?

‘I can’t lose the legacy that Park Jeong-hwan left behind like this. I have to take it all.’

Kim Jong-pyo’s eyes gleamed with ambition.