The Chaebol Returns To The Presidency 1967 [EN]: Chapter 174

174. Arrested Under the National Security Law

After much debate, a bill was passed in the National Assembly to completely eliminate discrimination in hiring and wages based on education for public corporations, starting next year. Private companies would decide autonomously, but the government would monitor wage discrimination based on academic background and incentivize corporate participation by imposing disadvantages in government-funded construction, procurement, and taxation.

In reality, companies prioritized productivity, and wage determination based solely on academic background was already becoming less common. More than half of the major corporations took the lead in the first year, and the new bill was successfully implemented.

With the passage of this law, high schools and universities began to transform their classes and departments, focusing on practical industrial skills rather than purely academic pursuits.

With this foundation laid, the stage was set for a major reform of corrupt private schools.

*

Prosecution Office.

Chief Yoo meticulously explained the copied accounting books to the investigator.

Chief Yoo was in charge of accounting at the J University Office of Academic Affairs.

He filed a public interest report, angered by the school’s unfair practices.

The president refused to investigate, bringing the investigation to a standstill. But for the prosecution, it was a welcome development during a period of inactivity.

“Basically, they’re using double books. The published accounting shows it as public expenses, but in reality, it hides the embezzlement of funds by the board of directors. Besides that, there are too many expenses without supporting documentation.”

The investigator was speechless at the state of the university’s accounting books. For an institution with a budget of hundreds of billions of won, it was worse than a corner store’s ledger.

The president, after hearing the interim results of the prosecution’s investigation, called the Minister of Education.

“Now is the time!”

– Yes, Your Excellency!

*

The Minister of Education briefed reporters.

“The government plans to submit a strong private school reform bill to the National Assembly this time. The first stage of the private school reform plan is as follows.”

The main points were:

– Disclose the kinship between executives of school corporations and the number of faculty members who are relatives of the chairman and founder.

– Prohibit the appointment of open directors who are founders and relatives of the founder to more than one-third of the board of directors.

– Cancel the appointment and approval of executives of school corporations who embezzle or misappropriate more than 3 million won [approximately $2,500 USD].

– Transfer the jurisdiction of re-examination of disciplinary action against faculty members involved in serious corruption to the Office of Education.

– Make the school operation committee of private elementary, middle, and high schools a deliberative body.

With this, the entrenched powers began their counter-offensive.

*

On the same day, as many as 10 newspapers published articles with similar titles and content, stirring up public opinion against the reform.

– Annihilation of private schools will inevitably lead to standardization and a decline in the quality of education.

– Regulation of the autonomy of private schools in the name of public interest is an unconstitutional idea.

– Educational autonomy is a historical mission; we are shocked by the government’s regressive plan that goes against the times.

– Parents are seething at the ‘reform plan’ that treats private school founders’ families as potential criminals.

– Parent groups protest collectively against the private school annihilation policy, predicting organized resistance.

– Veteran educators are outraged by the bill that violates the foundation of Korean education overnight.

*

A parliamentary audit was held with the Minister of Education in attendance.

Assemblyman Park, a director of J University, piled up newspapers opposing the bill and questioned the Minister of Education, pointing to the articles.

“Look at these newspapers. They all say it’s the annihilation of Korean education and oppose it. Aren’t you afraid of public opinion, Minister?”

The Minister of Education replied.

“Yes, I have seen them, but they are biased articles that are different from the facts. If you think about the country’s education, there is no reason to cover up corrupt private schools. There are just as many media outlets that support the new bill.”

“Parents are all clamoring to send their children to private schools, but this reform plan clearly reveals a wicked attempt to annihilate private schools. Is this a reform or a regression, Minister?”

“I repeat, it is not a private school annihilation policy, but a corruption annihilation policy. Private schools without corruption have absolutely nothing to worry about, Assemblyman.”

“In hiring, you are forcibly excluding relatives of the founder and chairman!”

“According to the Board of Audit and Inspection report, the four main types of corruption in private schools are family management, accounting irregularities, admission and hiring irregularities, and suppression of whistleblowers. School corporations where relatives of the chairman work at the university account for 64.5% of private universities and 87.9% of vocational colleges, which is a structural problem arising from the family-dominated structure, Assemblyman.”

“Hey, Minister! Why can’t the founder’s family implement the founder’s founding ideology? The family implements the founder’s ideology better than anyone else. But are you treating them like criminals? Can’t the founder’s family have outstanding abilities? Why are you reverse discriminating against the family? Treating them as potential criminals is an unconstitutional idea, Minister!”

“This is not an idea but a factual statistic that is on trial. Experts also analyze that the founder and relative-centered governance structure is the root cause of private school corruption. Private companies also fail if they are family-run, and countries are bound to be rife with corruption if they are hereditary families. Moreover, education is a public function. If a family dominates, they prioritize the family’s interests over the public interest, so private school problems continue to explode.”

“It’s like burning down a thatched house to catch a flea [an idiom meaning to overreact]. Trying to annihilate private schools with very minor corruption issues is an impudent idea. Private education is responsible for the excellent quality of Korean education.”

“Assemblyman, is the founder’s ideology in family management?”

“What, what did you say?”

“Among the founders, there are those who established private schools by selling their families’ assets against the opposition of Japanese public education during the colonial era. From the beginning, the purpose was not a family business but the publicness of national education. Isn’t that spirit the philosophy and ideology of Korean private school founding? Defending the family-dominated structure is rather damaging the spirit of private schools, Assemblyman!”

As the counter-argument ran out of steam, the assemblyman shouted.

“Are you lecturing a member of the National Assembly now?”

“Yes. I am trying to establish it properly because you are denying the publicness of education.”

“Gee!”

“It is also a warning to vested interests who package corruption as the sacred ideology of private schools.”

“Minister! Are you crazy? How dare you curse the people’s representative!”

“Don’t speak informally without manners, Assemblyman! Do the people defend private school corruption?”

After a recess due to the commotion, the minister wrapped up the situation.

“The government will present a plan, so please discuss it in the National Assembly.”

“Are you really going to push for the enactment of the law?”

“Yes.”

“Okay. Let’s meet at the parliamentary audit!”

Members of the National Assembly who opposed and supported the amendment were divided into two and engaged in a tug-of-war over the adoption of witnesses for the National Assembly audit, each trying to gain an advantage.

In the end, President Moon of J University was also listed as a witness, framed as a victim.

The government also prepared a counterattack.

*

National Assembly.

The parliamentary audit was underway.

The pro-private school reform and anti-reform sides were engaged in a war of words, fighting a mudslinging match.

The parliamentary audit was, after all, an extension of the previously held parliamentary inquiry.

Finally, President Moon of J University appeared as a witness.

After swearing to be punished if he committed perjury, he answered the questions of the friendly lawmaker.

“My essay collection, which briefly reflected on my life, impressed the students and was popular, so it was opened as a 1-credit course at the students’ request. Also, a small memorial hall was dedicated to me to spread my own educational philosophy.”

He took out a handkerchief and wiped his reddened eyes, playing the victim.

“However, some students with impure ideas took issue with some errors that occurred in the course of their duties, occupied the main building with violence, and imprisoned me. And they slandered the family of the private school founder as a criminal group. However, the government is trying to enact a private school annihilation bill this time, rather than punishing them. As someone who has lived a life without shame with the conscience of an educator, it is too absurd, and I cannot sleep every night thinking about the future of Korean education.”

His essay collection was printed and distributed using school expenses, and he ordered it to be opened as a course, forcing freshmen to take it. The memorial hall was also built with huge school expenses, over 7,200 square feet [200 pyeong], for the purpose of idolizing himself while he was still alive.

*

At the time when President Moon was giving a long and detailed testimony of being victimized, the prosecution announced the interim results of the J University investigation.

“President Moon transferred 35 of the 76 unsubstantiated entertainment expenses to his deceased father, who had already passed away, and processed them as entertainment expenses spent after his death. The university signed a huge unfair lease agreement with a company founded by President Moon’s family and embezzled public funds. He received money from unqualified transfer students and admitted them, and illegally admitted children of local dignitaries, media companies, and high-ranking officials. He received money in the process of hiring instructors and professors….”

The police read out as many as 40 charges against President Moon, including breach of duty and embezzlement, breach of trust, forgery of private documents, exercise of forged private documents, bribery, and violation of the Private School Act.

“Due to the risk of destroying evidence for these charges, we will issue and execute an arrest warrant for President Moon!”

*

National Assembly Audit.

President Moon’s testimony was in full swing.

At this time, an aide handed a note to Assemblyman Yoon, who was in favor of the reform plan.

The note read:

– The prosecution is executing an arrest warrant for President Moon on 40 counts.

And 40 charges were densely written.

It was Assemblyman Yoon’s turn to ask questions.

“President, you praised yourself as a person who is alive and has a memorial hall, and is praised as a model of private schools to the extent that the books you have published are used as university liberal arts textbooks. But just now, breaking news came in that the prosecution has issued an arrest warrant on 40 counts. Are you proud of having the most charges because you are a model of private schools, President?”

The president jumped up.

“Arrest warrant? That can’t be. Those who harbor resentment have framed me. I have sued all the whistleblowers for false accusations, so they will be punished.”

“Really? I hope you take care of yourself and go back safely.”

At the news of the arrest warrant being issued, the president hurriedly left the National Assembly.

But as he came out of the National Assembly gate and was about to get into his car, sturdy men blocked his way.

“Are you President Moon of J University?”

“That’s right. Who are you? Why are you blocking my way?”

“We are the prosecutors and police who came out to execute the arrest warrant.”

The president’s lawyer said.

“The investigation is not over yet, but suddenly an arrest warrant?”

“Here’s the arrest warrant.”

He held the warrant in front of the lawyer’s nose.

The lawyer, who confirmed that it was a genuine warrant, turned pale.

The president asked urgently.

“Lawyer Choi, what’s going on? I thought I would be investigated without detention?”

“Yes, I thought so too, but I am very embarrassed by the sudden warrant. And what is this charge?”

A detective who took out handcuffs said.

“Oh, are you talking about what’s written as a violation of the National Security Law [a law in South Korea used to suppress dissent]?”

The president was startled.

“National Security Law? Are you saying I’m a spy? I’ve been at the forefront of catching communists all my life! Something is very wrong!”

The prosecutor said.

“You ordered the creation and distribution of leaflets praising North Korea.”

“Yes?”