61. Secret Agreement
“From the start, Japan’s military should have been dispatched to Vietnam. That way, Japan could have naturally monopolized the reconstruction efforts. When the U.S. proposed supporting Vietnam, it seems we made excessive demands.”
Before the U.S. proposed sending troops to Vietnam, mirroring their involvement in Korea, they first asked Japan for rear and logistical support.
At that time, Japan attempted to leverage America’s desperation, demanding the revision of the Peace Constitution as a condition for dispatching combat troops to Vietnam.
While they were engaged in this bargaining, Korea readily accepted the offer to send troops to Vietnam.
The Prime Minister stated firmly.
“It’s all in the past. No one anticipated that Korea, with its armistice line facing North Korea, would take such a risk as to dispatch a large number of combat troops to Vietnam, did they?”
Japan’s excessive demands revealed its true intentions, straining relations with the U.S.
Korea’s dispatch of troops to Vietnam ultimately prevented Japan’s constitutional amendment.
The Foreign Minister said,
“We shouldn’t only focus on Vietnam’s reconstruction and Korea’s economic boom.”
“…….”
“The reason Japan enjoyed a boom as a logistical base was due to the U.S. decision. In other words, the relationship between Japan and the U.S. was strong. Korea monopolizing the reconstruction project in Vietnam means that the U.S. and Korea are developing a strong relationship.”
“Hmm, you mean we’re losing out to Korea in diplomacy.”
“That’s right. The core issue is that Japan is currently lagging behind Korea in its U.S. diplomacy.”
“Hmm, that’s an accurate analysis. It seems our relationship with the U.S. ruling party has been neglected. We must act quickly.”
“Currently, Senator Kennedy’s election is highly likely. We need to donate more money to Kennedy’s campaign to ensure he’s on our side.”
Japan was essentially trying to buy influence in the White House by donating substantial political funds to U.S. political circles through major companies like Kodak and Sony that had established themselves in the U.S. market.
The Foreign Minister said,
“Prime Minister, we have already donated $10 million, but we need to donate another $10 million.”
“Another $10 million?”
“It’s a small amount compared to the potential value of Okinawa, Your Excellency!”
Their diplomacy was heavily focused on the return of Okinawa.
Ryukyu was an independent kingdom until the late 19th century, pursuing a policy of equidistant diplomacy, trading with both China and Japan, and sending tribute to Joseon [historical Korean kingdom], leveraging its strategic geographical location.
It was forcibly integrated into Japan and annexed as Okinawa Prefecture in 1879.
Ryukyu has followed a tragic historical path since its annexation by Japan.
When Japan was defeated in World War II, the disposition of Okinawa’s status was discussed during the post-war settlement.
Chiang Kai-shek of China, as a member of the Allied Powers, once argued that Okinawa should be jointly administered under the trusteeship of the United States and China.
However, the Chiang Kai-shek government lost international influence due to its defeat in the Chinese Civil War.
At the Treaty of San Francisco, the U.S. recognized Japan’s potential sovereignty, and a U.S. military government was established, with the U.S. exclusively governing Okinawa under Article 3 of the Treaty of Peace with Japan.
As mainland China became communist and the Cold War intensified between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, the U.S. military base in Okinawa was further strengthened to prevent the Soviet Union and China from expanding into the Pacific and to defend Taiwan, becoming a strategic stronghold where even nuclear weapons were deployed.
After the end of the Korean War, in 1954, the Chiang Kai-shek government and the Korean government formed the Asian People’s Anti-Communist League (APACL), excluding Japan but including representatives from Ryukyu, attempting to separate Okinawa from Japan and establish its independence.
However, the people of Okinawa overwhelmingly preferred to return to Japan rather than remain under U.S. occupation.
The Okinawan people’s animosity toward the United States was considerable.
Okinawa was the only place in Japan where a full-scale land battle took place during World War II in 1945.
This was because Japan used Okinawa as a sacrificial pawn to buy time while the U.S. bombed Tokyo and the Japanese Emperor escaped.
Approximately 120,000 residents lost their lives in the fierce and brutal Battle of Okinawa, a tragic figure that represented a quarter of the Okinawan population at the time.
Knowing the horrors of the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Okinawan people feared that Okinawa, as a nuclear base, would be the first to be devastated in the event of a nuclear war.
The Okinawan people, distrustful of the Japanese government, were vehemently demanding the withdrawal of U.S. troops and nuclear weapons.
The Japanese government lobbied the United States, arguing that Okinawa should be returned to Japan, and eventually prevented the U.S. government from sending Okinawan representatives to the APACL meeting.
It was the first victory of Japanese diplomacy.
In 1956, as demands for changes to the status quo increased in Okinawa due to land issues, relations between the Japanese government and the Okinawan people deteriorated.
The long-standing resentment toward Japan, which had consistently used Okinawa as a scapegoat, erupted.
Capitalizing on this division, the Korean and Taiwanese governments declared their positions, advocating for the continued U.S. military presence or the independence of Okinawa, arguing that Japan’s anti-communist stance was ambiguous, and attempted to prevent its return to Japan.
As a result, the U.S. military presence continued, and the Okinawan people continued to demand the withdrawal of U.S. troops, leading to the current situation.
The Japanese Prime Minister said,
“The campaign for the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Okinawa is progressing as planned. Although we failed to complete the return during the term of the previous U.S. President and passed it on to the next administration, we will definitely succeed this time.”
Japan was bribing Okinawan politicians to continuously incite the withdrawal of U.S. troops and encourage calls for a return to Japan.
The Minister of the Interior said,
“Only Representative Teruya of Okinawa is advocating for independence. Since it is a minority opinion, it is not significantly influencing public opinion.”
“Good. Approve an additional $10 million for the Kennedy campaign.”
“Yes, Your Excellency!”
The Foreign Minister said,
“Additional support for the Kennedy campaign is beneficial, but I hope Your Excellency will also consider special measures.”
“Measures? What do you mean?”
“I believe sending Your Excellency’s special envoy to pursue a secret agreement with Senator Kennedy’s side is the most direct way to break the deadlock.”
“Ah, a secret agreement!”
“Okinawa is a region where the interests of various East Asian countries intersect, so open negotiations will only lead to endless disputes from the international community. We need to proceed with proposals that directly benefit the U.S. regime in private to increase the chances of success.”
Japanese diplomacy toward the U.S. often employed ‘secret agreements’ like the ‘Katsura-Taft Agreement’ at critical moments.
The ‘Katsura-Taft Agreement’ was a secret agreement concluded in 1905 between Katsura, the Prime Minister of Japan, and Taft, the U.S. Secretary of War, stating, “Japan confirms the U.S. control of the Philippines. Korea approves that Japan will be under Japanese control.”
In 1905, Japan, with the support of the United States, gained international recognition for its control over Joseon, and subsequently signed the Eulsa Treaty [unequal treaty] to usurp Joseon’s diplomatic rights.
This time, they were attempting a similar secret agreement through a secret envoy of the Prime Minister.
The Japanese Prime Minister nodded and gave a sly smile.
“Hmm, so you mean I should clearly link the justification of returning Okinawa to this additional donation?”
“Precisely. We need to prepare alternatives to resolve the deadlock in the U.S.-Japan negotiations and conduct behind-the-scenes negotiations. It’s election season, so it’s the time when the election campaign needs money the most.”
“Let’s do that. Contact the ambassador to the U.S. immediately.”
* * *
Kennedy’s campaign headquarters, Chief of Staff’s office.
Posters of Kennedy’s face and campaign slogan flags adorned the office walls.
Ringer, the chief of staff of the campaign headquarters, was talking to Yogi Yang, a campaign staffer.
Yogi was a Japanese-American woman, a political hopeful who had graduated as the president of the student council at the University of Virginia.
The University of Virginia was also Kennedy’s alma mater, and she naturally joined the Kennedy campaign, leveraging her experience as the president of the student council.
She skillfully secured substantial donations from American companies that had invested in Japan, and quickly rose to become a close aide to the chief of staff.
However, she was secretly a spy planted by Japan.
The Japanese intelligence agency was using donations to elevate her to a position of influence as a close aide to Kennedy.
She was secretly having an affair with Ringer, the married chief of staff.
It was anticipated that Ringer would also assume an important role in the U.S. government if Kennedy became president, so she seduced a key aide with her body.
Yogi collected various confidential information, including Kennedy’s habits, preferences, schedule, social relationships, and even rumors about his private life, and delivered it to the Japanese embassy.
Yogi entered and informed Ringer,
“Chief of Staff, the Japanese ambassador you were expecting is here.”
“Oh, really? Bring him in quickly.”
Ringer grabbed her buttocks with one hand and whispered in her ear.
“Hehe, let’s meet at the hotel tonight.”
“Yes.”
“No, let’s meet in the parking lot this afternoon. It’s more thrilling in the car. I’ll contact you.”
“Hehe, okay.”
Yogi swayed her hips and left.
After a moment, the Japanese ambassador and a Japanese man accompanying him entered.
Ringer stood up and extended his hand.
“Welcome, Ambassador!”
“Nice to meet you. Thank you for taking the time out of your busy schedule.”
“Don’t mention it. I’m grateful that you’re supporting our candidate in every way.”
“Ah, this gentleman is Takase, a special envoy sent by the Japanese Prime Minister.”
Takase presented a scholarly image, wearing a bow tie and round glasses.
He was a security expert with experience as a researcher at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University in the United States.
Ringer greeted him warmly.
“Nice to meet you, Mr. Takase.”
Takase replied in fluent English,
“Nice to meet you. I look forward to working with you.”
The Japanese ambassador said,
“The reason is that I instructed Japanese companies to donate another $10 million to the campaign this time.”
“Wow, $10 million! It’s a time when we’re spending heavily on election expenses, so we’ll put it to good use.”
“We are committed to supporting the esteemed candidate Kennedy. The donation will be delivered through the company as before.”
“Of course. Thank you.”
“And I have prepared separate funds for the hard-working staff.”
The donation was public funds, but the ‘funds’ the ambassador was referring to were essentially bribes.
He distributed tens of thousands of dollars in cash to approximately 10 key executives of the campaign, ensuring a warm reception.
The ambassador then got to the point.
“The reason I accompanied Mr. Takase today is to discuss candidate Kennedy’s future East Asia policy objectives and develop forward-thinking solutions.”
“Yes, what specific objectives are you referring to?”
“It concerns the return of Okinawa.”
“Ah, the current administration failed to resolve it and passed the responsibility on to us.”
Serious diplomatic secrets were about to be exchanged in earnest.
Takase said,
“As you know, the people of Okinawa desire the withdrawal of U.S. troops. However, from the U.S. perspective, Okinawa is a strategic stronghold in East Asia, so they are reluctant to withdraw, fearing a decline in war deterrence.”
“That’s correct.”
“To overcome this impasse, the Prime Minister has proposed the following.”
“What is it?”
“Isn’t the primary reason why the U.S. is hesitant to withdraw its troops the need to relocate the nuclear weapons, which serve as the foundation of war deterrence, if the U.S. troops were to leave?”
“That’s right.”
As a result of promoting the redeployment of nuclear weapons in Okinawa since the mid-1950s, the number of nuclear weapons increased to 1,300 by 1967, including nuclear cruise missiles.
Therefore, public opinion in mainland Japan was increasingly advocating for the removal of nuclear weapons as a condition for the return of Okinawa.