The Chaebol Returns To The Presidency 1967 [EN]: Chapter 8

Reverting to President as a Conglomerate President 1967 – Episode 8 (8/225)

8. Recruiting Double Swords

Kim Young-wook instigated.

“We need to unite now. Chairman Kim Jong-pil won’t just sit back and watch.”

The parliament was independent of the executive branch under the constitution, so Kim Jong-pil could not directly appoint or dismiss the president.

For the military officers who had submitted their resignations, Kim Jong-pil, who controlled more than two-thirds of the parliamentary seats, represented their best hope.

The core of their loyalty, which traditionally meant sacrificing their lives for the country and the president, was now being tested.

In fact, Information Director Kim Young-wook had secretly met with Kim Jong-pil the previous night to plead for intervention.

“Chairman, with two-thirds of the seats, we can even impeach the president. If the president’s goal is to dismantle the military old guard, we cannot stand idly by.”

Chairman Kim initially adopted a cautious stance.

“Well, let’s see what the true intention of these reforms is. The parliament can’t simply act as it pleases against a president who is supported by over 80% of the people.”

“Are you suggesting we wait for the people to turn against the president?”

“……”

Kim Jong-pil remained silent.

His primary concern wasn’t the replacement of the military meritocrats [those who gained power through military service and achievements].

He was focused on whether he would be nominated as the next successor.

If he, too, became a target for removal as part of the military restructuring, he would mobilize the disgruntled military and parliament to revolt.

At that moment, the president walked onto the podium, holding a wine glass, and began to speak.

“You’ve all worked incredibly hard, staying up all night and dealing with immense workloads. You’ve done a truly outstanding job.”

Applause of gratitude erupted from the audience in response to the president’s praise.

Clap, clap, clap-

“The reason I accepted these resignations is not because I believe anyone here is incompetent. If my first term was about stabilizing the nation after a period of chaos, my second term is about achieving full-fledged economic growth. We need to maximize individual abilities and foster true professionalism. That’s why we’re reorganizing the current cabinet, focused on maintaining order, into a merit-based cabinet.”

The era of revolutionary figures simply occupying key positions was now coming to an end.

Clap, clap, clap!

“Some will leave, some will remain, and some will move to other positions. But what is clear is that we will assign specific goals to each department, and we will firmly establish the principle that failure to achieve these goals will result in removal from their positions without exception.”

Clap, clap, clap!

The audience found renewed hope in the words ‘retention’ and ‘job change’ rather than ‘total resignation’.

This carefully crafted ‘hope’ was a highly calculated political move to prevent a unified and powerful backlash.

He continued his political maneuvering, a strategy only possible for a 회귀자 [a regressor, someone who has returned from the future].

* * *

Cheongwadae [the Blue House, South Korea’s presidential residence] Yeomin Building.

The Yeomin Building is a complex where the president’s office, residence, secretaries, and administrative staff are located, comprised of three interconnected buildings on the grounds.

Cheongwadae consists of Yeomin Building 1, housing the offices of the president and the chief of staff; Yeomin Building 2, housing the senior secretary for personnel affairs, the chief secretary for general affairs, the chief of policy, and the senior secretary for civil affairs; and Yeomin Building 3, housing the National Security Office, the senior secretary for public communication, and the senior secretary for social innovation.

The Senior Secretary for Political Affairs’ office is on the first floor of Building 1, the Chief of Staff’s office is on the second floor, and the President’s office is on the third floor.

The President first appointed the Chief of Staff and then delegated the selection of the Chief of Staff’s senior secretaries and staff to the Chief of Staff.

* * *

The President’s Secretariat.

The newly appointed Chief of Staff, Kim Chung-ryeom, gathered the staff of the secretariat and delivered a lecture.

His first lecture was a surprisingly refreshing departure from those of his predecessors.

The former Chief of Staff, Lee Woo-rak, had essentially brainwashed the secretariat staff, saying:

– The secretariat is the core of state affairs. The secretariat *is* the government and the National Assembly. You must work with the unwavering faith of a religion called ‘Park Jung-woongism,’ with Park Jung-woong as its 교주 [religious leader or founder]!

On the other hand, the first thing Chief of Staff Kim did upon taking office was to reduce the size of the secretariat.

The Cheongwadae organization was streamlined, including a reduction of approximately 10 economic-related secretarial positions.

The staff listened intently to Chief of Staff Kim’s inaugural lecture.

“The economy will only thrive if Cheongwadae remains small and unobtrusive. If the government becomes too powerful, companies will suffer. Members of the secretariat must never engage in external press conferences or lectures. Do not even create business cards, and absolutely refrain from accepting envelopes bearing the Cheongwadae mark outside of this building. If you are caught, you will be immediately dismissed. Keep that in mind.”

This was an era when one could stop a running train simply by leveraging the influence of Cheongwadae.

But it was disappointing to be instructed to conceal their Cheongwadae affiliation.

However, they could not disobey the orders of the new boss, who had clearly declared a policy of strict rewards and punishments.

* * *

The President’s office.

Following the appointment of the Chief of Staff, the President urgently appointed two 칼잡이 [literally “swordsmen,” meaning powerful and ruthless figures]: the Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection and the Prosecutor General.

Lee Seok-chae, the Minister of General Affairs, was appointed as the Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection.

Lee Seok-chae was a graduate of the Korea Military Academy and one of the key figures who planned the May 16 coup. He was considered a revolutionary meritocrat, and he served as the Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection from 1971 to 1976 during Chairman Wang’s administration.

He was praised by veteran figures as the embodiment of the Board of Audit and Inspection, known for his uncompromising work ethic and unwavering integrity even after his retirement.

The president moved him into the position of Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection four years earlier than expected.

The president offered cigarettes to the Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection and the Prosecutor General candidate, who were seated on the sofa.

“Thank you, Your Excellency!”

At the time, smoking with the president was a symbolic gesture, signifying that you were either a close aide or were being favored.

Whoosh~

He was now quite accustomed to the bitter taste of cigarettes.

The president spoke.

“As you both know, the last National Assembly election was rife with vote-buying and vote-counting irregularities. I am deeply ashamed. It’s no different than during the Liberal Party’s era, and it diminishes the significance of the May 16 coup.”

“……”

“The reason I am appointing you to these key positions is simple: to boldly excise the rotten elements. Do it strictly according to the law.”

In reality, the appointer usually offers such general 덕담 [words of blessing or encouragement] when appointing the Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection and the Prosecutor General.

The same was true during his first term. But it ultimately proved meaningless.

They both wondered what would be different this time.

However, the president’s specific instructions quickly dispelled their doubts and filled them with a sense of apprehension.

“Arrest all the winners who committed illegal acts during the last National Assembly election, adhering strictly to the principles of the law.”

The Prosecutor General candidate asked cautiously.

“Then the composition of the National Assembly could change significantly, Your Excellency.”

“Even if we lose two-thirds of the seats, it’s acceptable. No, it doesn’t matter even if we lose the majority.”

“……”

The Prosecutor General candidate, who had anticipated some general guidelines, swallowed hard at the scale of the potential upheaval he had never imagined.

There is no scarier phrase than ‘according to the law’.

He still couldn’t determine whether the president was saying this to boost the morale of the new appointees or whether he was truly instructing them to wield the sword of law like an executioner.

In fact, the two-thirds majority of seats in the National Assembly, required for constitutional amendments, had been the seed of the president’s tragedy before his 회귀 [regression].

He had been unable to resist the temptation of the 삼선 개헌 [the third-term constitutional amendment]. This time, this action was a measure to remove such seeds.

The president gave the same order to the Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection.

“Listen carefully, Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection!”

“Yes, Your Excellency!”

“I am fully aware of how my aides in the past collected envelopes from businessmen visiting Cheongwadae under the guise of interview fees, and from field inspections under the pretext of travel expenses.”

“……”

“It is common practice for people to leverage their Cheongwadae connections to expedite civil complaints and receive 수임료 [legal fees or commissions]. And it’s not just Cheongwadae. Government offices that grant permits and licenses demand 급행료 [expediting fees], 통행료 [tolls], and 떡값 [bonus money]. Even teachers and reporters receive 촌지 [small gifts of money].”

“……”

“If we 털 [thoroughly investigate] all public officials suddenly, it will create widespread chaos, so let’s start at the top, with Cheongwadae and the National Assembly. And then we will gradually purify the system down to the lower levels.”

“Yes, Your Excellency!”

“This is not a 감사 [superficial audit] like in the military, where you turn a blind eye to wrongdoing. Do it according to the law, regardless of the Chief of Staff, the Prime Minister, the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, or the Speaker of the National Assembly. The Board of Audit and Inspection is an organization directly under the President, so you only need to listen to my instructions without worrying about anyone else.”

“Your Excellency, I will keep that firmly in mind!”

The two men clearly understood that the president was resolute.

After they left, he called the Chief of Staff.

“Listen, Chief of Staff, I need you to find someone.”

“Who are you referring to?”

The president wrote on a memo and handed it to the Chief of Staff.

“Find out where Cha Ji-cheol and Kim Je-gu are currently working.”

“Yes, Your Excellency!”

Kim Je-gu was the one who shot President Park and Cha Ji-cheol before his 회귀 [regression] at the 궁정동 안가 [Kujeong-dong safe house, a secret location].

The incident occurred because the president favored Cha Ji-cheol.

He had to separate the two men, believing that he could avoid a tragic end by taking preventative action.

The president, having equipped himself with 쌍칼 [double swords, meaning powerful allies], was steadily laying the groundwork for his plans.

* * *

The President’s office.

The president outlined a four-year blueprint with Chief of Staff Kim.

The reason for appointing Kim Chung-ryeom as Chief of Staff was not simply to have him as an aide to the president, but to prioritize the economy.

The president ordered.

“Change the name of the Economic Planning Board to the Ministry of Strategy and Finance, integrate similar tasks, and make it an economic control tower that encompasses both domestic finance and exports. And select an economic expert suitable for that position.”

“Yes, Your Excellency.”

“We will review the economy and establish policies together every day. Chief of Staff Kim will also serve as Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs.”

The Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs was a control tower that independently directed South Korea’s economic policies by integrating economic-related departments within the Prime Minister’s Office and independently transferring them to the Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs.

He who controls the money is 갑 [the one in charge, the boss]. The Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs was the head of a powerful and lucrative organization because he oversaw the allocation of the national budget.

The concurrent position of Chief of Staff and Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs was a fairly unconventional 인사 [personnel appointment] that transcended typical government structures.

In effect, Kim Chung-ryeom was granted the authority of the second-in-command.

The president had been considering 겸하는 [holding concurrently] both positions within Cheongwadae and the Cabinet from the beginning, but he was afraid that Kim would refuse, so he subtly delayed the discussion and was now finally broaching the subject.

The Chief of Staff reacted with shock to the word 겸직 [concurrently holding a position].

“Y-Your Excellency, even the Deputy Prime Minister?”

“That’s right. The concurrent position will be announced all at once later.”

He had decided to announce the concurrent position simultaneously with the entire cabinet list to minimize potential backlash, without revealing it beforehand.

Kim Chung-ryeom decided to comply, as the president’s expression indicated that there was no room for reconsideration.

“I understand your intentions, Your Excellency.”

“Now, let’s define the mission for our economic policy.”

Because he had been the head of the largest conglomerate before his 회귀 [regression], when discussing the economy, the president became excited and 급발진 [suddenly accelerated] with passion.

“We lack natural resources and are divided, so we must earn dollars through exports. The amount of dollars we possess is our national power. This will remain true in the future.”

“Yes, I understand, Your Excellency!”

“Let’s aim to achieve $5 billion in exports within this term of office.”

“Yes? $5 billion!”

Secretary Kim almost fell out of his chair.

In 1964, they had barely achieved $100 million, and this year the goal was $500 million. $5 billion was an incredibly ambitious target.

During Chairman Wang’s time, they built a 금자탑 [golden tower, meaning a great achievement] of $1 billion in 1970 and finally $10 billion in 1977.

This growth rate was also unprecedented globally.

However, the president wanted to accelerate this even further with the power of his 회귀 [regression], which allowed him to foresee the future.

“Listen carefully, Chief of Staff. No, Deputy Prime Minister! Thoroughly block the lawmakers’ populist constituency budgets. We will invest that money in the export industry. If anyone complains, let me know. I’ll 바로 주리를 틀어 버릴 테니까 [immediately have them tortured with the juri, a traditional Korean torture device]. That’s what the Central Intelligence Agency’s 무력 [force] is for.”

“A-Alright, Your Excellency!”

“Let’s set the direction of our exports.”

“……”

The president was 점입가경 [going from bad to worse, reaching a climax of intensity].