George Bush’S Great America [EN]: Chapter 305

The Great America of George W. Bush – Episode 304

< Episode 304 >

“Why did you think that?”

“You’ve always been actively involved. Even if not directly, you’ve created the playing field yourself, Mr. President.”

So, the President creates the field but rarely plays on it himself. The Chief of Staff was quite taken aback because, until now, there had never been a case where the President didn’t actively try to intervene.

Bush chuckled at the Chief of Staff’s response and pushed the report aside, intrigued.

“Then why did you think I would oppose it?”

“Well, you were the one who limited it to foreigners and permanent residents when it was initially based on citizens. Tendencies change out of necessity, but frankly, Mr. President, you’re a bit stubborn…”

The Chief of Staff trailed off. Every office worker dreams of telling their boss off, but cursing in the face of such blatant frustration is different from casual banter during a company dinner.

Anyway, even though he was ordered to do it, he was still evaluating and criticizing someone considered great. It made him feel awkward.

“Strong-willed. Never changes his mind. Ah, now that I think about it, is this a prejudice? It was only yesterday that I strengthened hate speech and anti-discrimination laws to avoid being swept up by European trends.”

Bush laughed heartily.

‘In the public eye, or at least in Congress, I can assume they all think roughly like the Chief of Staff. The others must be eagerly swayed by the media play.’

To be honest, a big part of it was that he wasn’t sure if intervening this time was the right thing to do. His heart, of course, was “strongly opposed,” as the Chief of Staff said.

Reminiscing about what the Patriot Act [a controversial law passed after 9/11 that expanded government surveillance powers], the anti-terrorism law, was, there was even less to hesitate about.

What does it mean for the state to freely check and monitor citizens’ records? To monitor citizens to prevent terrorism! How is that different from treating all citizens as potential criminals?

The intention itself isn’t bad. The name itself is the Anti-Terrorism Act. In other words, isn’t it a ‘law to prepare for counter-terrorism measures’? Until now, it has been limited to foreigners and domestic permanent residents visiting the United States, but if this is expanded to citizens, it will target terror suspects, ex-convicts, and people suspected of being spies under the guise of terrorism monitoring. Well, it sounds nice to call them terror suspects and spy suspects. In reality, it meant virtually anyone who was suspected.

In other words, it grants the right to monitor all phone records, phone tapping, email records, general internet records, personal IDs, passwords, and activity records of subscribed websites, hospital records, personal information on economic activities including online and offline shopping, all personal movement routes, intensive monitoring using CCTV and manpower, and ‘arrest,’ the right to block all electronic communications including wired and wireless, and restrict individual rights, and even the right to inflict somewhat ‘advanced torture’ on citizens.

In other words, if the law passed, direct arrest would be possible without any legal procedures, including warrants. It meant that it would be impossible for innocent people to demand a warrant.

Furthermore, it was a terrible bill that would deprive individuals of all rights and violate human rights if the state deemed them suspects.

‘In the original history, did they think this was excessive and later change it to the Freedom Act, excluding phone records? Still, it’s not much different.’

Considering that there was constant debate about this even back in ’19, it was proven that if the government is given a useful tool to maintain power, it will not let go of it easily, even if its harm and worthlessness are revealed.

So, even with such firm will, what judgment is not being made?

‘Even if I openly oppose it, it’s still a problem.’

Bush knows very well that this law is an absurd evil law, but it was a security law that had been somewhat effective externally, thanks to limiting its scope to foreigners and permanent residents. To be precise, it was a bill that people were mistaken to have seen its effectiveness, but that was the public opinion anyway.

Thus, public perception was that it was ‘a law that clearly has effects, but freedom is at risk.’

‘Congress is acting like Congress for the first time in a while.’

This was both reassuring and sarcastic. Originally, Congress, regardless of whether it was the Senate or the House, was full of all sorts of trivial and petty political fights, such as passing bills by surprise.

Congress, which used to pass bills appropriately while watching each other’s reactions, had returned to those days. This was the shameful face of congressional politics, but at the same time, it was also the biggest advantage of congressional politics.

Anyway, Bush thought that the reason why Congress was restless was similar to that of the Chief of Staff, but in reality, it was slightly different. Especially for the Vice President, it was even more different.

“I can’t understand why they’re doing this. Why is he backing out now when he started the whole thing?”

Cheney couldn’t understand at all. What on earth was the problem? This law doesn’t disadvantage the President. Rather, it’s a golden opportunity to strengthen the President’s power. Even the ideology is sublime, so what’s the problem?

‘Isn’t now the opportunity? What am I missing?’

What kind of opportunity is that?

‘This is the law that grants the most powerful authority in the history of American presidents!’

That’s right. If this law is enforced, no one can question the power and authority of the President. Of course, it would be different if the President was a moron who was criticized by citizens and public opinion, or if he failed to control the police and the judiciary. George W. Bush had neither.

Even if he enacted all sorts of laws and ran wild, citizens still supported the President, and the CIA, an intelligence agency, and the Federal Police, which had more enhanced police power, and its subordinate organizations completely obeyed the President as if he were not a superior but a master.

The judiciary was still imperfect, with some figures still rebellious towards Bush, but if he touched this far, there would be plenty of people who would be afraid but also plotting to bring him down, so it was certainly a wise choice not to seize the entire judiciary.

In any case, if that law was passed, the President would have the authority of an old emperor. The President’s word would become law. Perhaps Congress would be afraid of the President in a few years and would not even be able to open their mouths properly.

Citizens would grumble, but frankly, who cares? And if they start to feel safe because of this law, that public opinion will surely subside. Dick Cheney thought the Patriot Act was definitely having an effect.

He had been persuading the President with such desperation for the thirteenth time already. There’s no tree that doesn’t fall after ten strikes, and finally, a word other than ‘Well…’ came out of his mouth. He was so relieved that the answer wasn’t a short answer like ‘I don’t know’ or ‘No.’

“Vice President. No, Cheney. Isn’t our country a democracy?”

Hearing that, the Vice President immediately understood what Bush was trying to say. No sooner had he been relieved that the answer wasn’t a short answer than he felt his blood rushing backward.

Because this meant that he would side with the public opinion-friendly Democratic Party. To be precise, it meant he would side with those who opposed the Patriot Act.

Normally, he would shut his mouth, silently chew on his anger, and leave the office, but there was something he couldn’t understand. If that’s the case, why didn’t he side with the opposition from the start?

So. Why did he drag it out so much?

Dick Cheney stroked his forehead, which didn’t have much hair, and opened his mouth again after a moment of contemplation.

“Are you thinking of resorting to mob rule?”

Cheney forcibly lowered his voice, which kept rising.

“We have a duty to protect the safety of our citizens. No matter what it takes. Even if individual freedom is violated, we have a duty to protect the safety of the nation and its citizens.”

But Bush was still silent. Silence can be interpreted in any way, but right now, there was nothing more overwhelming to Cheney than this silence.

“Please don’t do this. Mr. President. You know this better than anyone else.”

“Which comes first, the banner of democracy or personal safety? Shouldn’t we ask the people that? If they want freedom even knowing that death will follow, shouldn’t we give it to them?”

This was sophistry. What crazy country in the world would hand over the right to enact laws to its citizens?

“Under no circumstances can death be justified. If they voted to detonate a nuclear weapon and die together, it is the law, politics, and the state that prevent it. The people are like children. We are teachers. Teachers have the right and duty to educate students.”

“And teachers also have a duty to listen to some extent to the students’ whims. Coercive and forced education methods tend to reduce students’ motivation and learning ability.”

Cheney could finally guess the identity of the thorn in Bush’s heart. This President was worried that the foundation of liberalism might be destroyed. And for Cheney, this was an incomprehensible concern.

“We must force students who do not listen to study. Even though our country is a land of freedom, compulsory education must be received. Humans become perfect through education. Humans without education are no different from idiotic beasts.”

Hearing that, Bush let out a second sigh today. Unlike the previous one, it was a particularly exaggerated sigh.

“Where is the guarantee that education will be correct?”

“Isn’t that position there to judge that? This is dereliction of duty and abandonment of work.”

“Then my judgment is a national vote.”

Their conversation was like a treadmill. It didn’t matter if it was a dog or a cat trying to bite its own tail.

“You’ll regret it. This is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity that will never come again!”

Realizing that, Cheney finally screamed out of anger. Bush, who had always maintained his composure no matter what, showed a change in expression as if he was surprised that someone who had always been calm was shouting. But that was all. Whether Cheney shouted or not, he couldn’t break Bush’s will.

“What is the opportunity?”

“What? What do you mean what? Of course…”

Saying that far, Cheney finally realized. The Bush in front of him now was not the Bush he knew. It was too late, but he finally realized.

Cheney thought of Bush as the embodiment of lust for power. Not only Cheney, but everyone in Congress was evaluating Bush that way.

But what Cheney felt now was that this man had no desire for power.

But that couldn’t be. How could a person without a desire for power desperately climb up to the presidency?

So, with an astonished face, Cheney asked Bush this.

“What on earth happened to you?”