George Bush’S Great America [EN]: Chapter 331

The Great War (1)

While Bo Xilai was facing immense difficulties, temporary American embassies were established in Tibet and Xinjiang. Although these regions were nominally under India’s protection, the alignment of American interests gradually solidified the sovereignty of Tibet and Xinjiang, a consequence of powerful nations pursuing their own agendas.

It was deeply ironic, considering that Tibet and Xinjiang had achieved autonomous region status largely due to the indifference of other global powers.

Most countries desired a swift end to the war. With the exception of Korea, which the Communist Party had entangled in the conflict, there were few opportunities for profit. Instead, the war presented numerous negative repercussions for the surrounding nations.

Thus, while the world hoped for a quick resolution, one entity anxiously wished for the war’s continuation: Taiwan.

It was undeniably the perfect, perhaps the only, opportunity for Taiwan to break free and rejoin the mainland. Even a child could grasp this.

The challenge, however, lay in the political and diplomatic gridlock that made seizing this golden opportunity exceedingly difficult.

A military invasion was out of the question. The U.S., wary of escalating the conflict, maintained a vigilant presence around Taiwan, ready to intervene. Moreover, Taiwan had amassed a considerable arsenal of American military equipment under the guise of maintaining peace, making it difficult for the U.S. to simply abandon the situation.

The primary consequence Taiwan suffered due to the U.S. military presence was a naval skirmish in the Taiwan Strait. Even this mainly impacted civilian sectors, such as fishing boats, due to the war’s aftermath, rather than the Taiwanese military directly.

One could attempt to define the situation as an invasion and fabricate a justification for action, but even this became problematic when the regional warlords preemptively offered reasonable compensation through the United States.

These offers would have been meaningless if Taiwan had ignored them, but the fact that they were conveyed through the U.S. complicated matters. If the U.S. was aware, Taiwan couldn’t easily dismiss them. This indicated that the young officers who had seized power with disproportionate authority possessed some political acumen.

Understanding this information, President Bush sighed deeply in the Oval Office. He felt as though he was spending more time in the White House than he had lived outside of it.

As time passed, the advantages of Bush’s foreknowledge, even with his accurate memory, gradually diminished, and the world began to feel unfamiliar. However, one enduring advantage was that Bush himself had shaped this world. His influence permeated nearly every corner of it.

Therefore, while not entirely under his control, he could still understand the general direction of events and how to respond. His reprimand of the CIA for their lack of understanding regarding the events in China stemmed from this very reason.

He believed he had the situation well in hand, but it was now slipping from his grasp, causing him considerable unease. However, the accomplishments and efforts he had invested served as tangible support, mitigating some of that anxiety.

Therefore, even if the world were to descend into chaos, he was confident that the United States would remain at least partially insulated, if not entirely unaffected.

No rational actor would declare war on a nation that the combined military forces of the world could barely challenge.

‘Conversely, the day we fail to maintain this military strength is the day the United States falls.’

Military downsizing would inevitably signify either a deteriorating economic situation or a decline in diplomatic influence, rendering the U.S. unable to exert its hegemony as a superpower. Either scenario would lead to the collapse of the United States.

Even if the United States were to fragment, it would still remain a significant power with a considerable voice on the global stage, but it would no longer possess the capacity to project military force and intervene in internal affairs as confidently as it currently did, acting as the self-proclaimed ‘world’s police.’

If that were the case, it would be prudent to widen the technological gap even further. Cutting-edge technology didn’t guarantee victory, but it undeniably maximized the possibilities.

“Tell me, Chief of Staff, was the Korean army deployed in the last engagement?”

“Yes, they were. I understand that the 9th Division was deployed, but given that they primarily accepted volunteers from special forces and the Marine Corps, it would be more accurate to say that they created a new division for the deployment rather than deploying the 9th Division itself. In fact, the majority of the 9th Division’s forces remain stationed in Korea. I suspect they made that choice for symbolic reasons.”

“Korea, huh.”

Frankly, Korea’s involvement was a result of the Communist Party’s threat. To be precise, it was a threat bordering on self-destruction. It resembled a terrorist threatening to commit suicide with a hostage, and the hostage they offered was none other than Mount Baekdu [a sacred mountain in Korean culture] and the Korean Autonomous Prefecture [an area in China with a significant Korean population].

It was a condition they could offer because they knew that Korea, with its current capabilities, could never fully seize the Korean Autonomous Prefecture. As for Mount Baekdu, its value to the Communist Party was limited to its tourism revenue.

Of course, there were potentially undiscovered underground resources, and the mountain held considerable historical significance for both China and Korea, making the decision painful. However, considering the loyal soldiers who would perish on the front lines, it wasn’t an exorbitant price.

Li Keqiang has faced consistent and substantial criticism from the opposition for this decision.

He was accused of selling off territory to foreign powers instead of reclaiming and expanding it. Nevertheless, Li Keqiang’s continued position as chairman was largely due to his control over the military, the most crucial aspect of politics during wartime.

‘Power comes from the barrel of a gun, huh.’

A saying by Mao Zedong, one that Bush didn’t particularly favor, but the current situation mirrored that sentiment. Li Keqiang’s power genuinely stemmed from his military control. Otherwise, he would have already suffered the same fate as his predecessors.

However, even with military power, the lack of significant achievements posed a problem. If Bush intended to continue supporting Li Keqiang, he needed to provide him with some accomplishments to showcase.

“Is it about time to return Qingdao to the Communist Party?”

“But in the current situation, can the Communist Party adequately defend that city?”

“If not, we can simply maintain our troop presence as it is. Since we’re defending it, they can’t attack. The rebels must feel like we’re being incredibly petty. Perhaps they’ll become so enraged that they’ll attack us.”

“Isn’t that what you’re hoping for?”

If that were to occur, there would be no need for circumlocution. The U.S. military could simply deploy and eliminate them all. The Communist Party would face criticism for inviting foreign intervention, but Bush felt no obligation to concern himself with that.

However, that remained a distant possibility. If that scenario unfolded, they might genuinely face the prospect of nuclear war. A nuclear war – a terrifying thought! He was already exerting every effort to avert it.

“Don’t be absurd. I hope that not a single soldier from our army will be harmed in this war. Although, that’s already wishful thinking.”

It was virtually impossible to avoid casualties in a war, and the only consolation was that, while it was largely a facade, the U.S. wasn’t directly participating in the conflict. Thus, aside from occasional accidental clashes with Qingdao citizens, there were no official ‘casualties in the war.’

In reality, even these accidental clashes were unavoidable, as anti-American sentiment was prevalent throughout China.

‘In any case, the crucial point is that once this war concludes, we’ll be able to exert some degree of control over that vast Chinese land in a justifiable manner.’

The most significant obstacle to United States hegemony has been removed. Evidence has surfaced indicating Russia’s covert interference in the Chinese civil war, but this also presents an opportunity in some respects.

If it were the Russia of old, it would have actively intervened directly. The fact that it isn’t doing so demonstrates the extent of its fear of the United States.

‘Still, there’s no way Putin will simply let this go.’

If Bush were in Putin’s position, this would be the ideal opportunity to undermine Bush. Even Bush could identify several vulnerable areas. Even considering the most moderate approach, such as providing aid, it was clear that Bush would have to prepare for a significant drain, if not a fatal blow, to his plans.

If the United States genuinely intended to support the Communist Party, it would have to endure a similar, or perhaps even greater, drain to counteract Russia’s support. This was especially true if Russia’s objective was simply to harass the United States.

Moreover, the United States was already supplying various daily necessities through Korea. Military supplies were unnecessary, as they were incompatible with Chinese standards, except for specialized munitions like bunker busters. Weaponry was abundant in the armory, but daily necessities were a different matter. With all of China operating under a wartime economy, daily necessities were exceedingly scarce.

‘Putin is not a man who will ever submit, even if it costs him his life.’

Contemplating this, Bush grew uneasy. The United States and Russia had been engaged in constant conflicts, both major and minor, even after the Cold War. It would be surprising if Russia wasn’t actively attempting to check the United States’ power.

“It’s frustrating. So frustrating. Something is clearly happening, but I’m completely in the dark, and it’s driving me insane.”

“We’ve redeployed the CIA to Russia. They’ll bring something back soon.”

“The Chief of Staff speaks as if he’s unleashed hunting dogs. They’ll try to devour you if they hear that.”

In reality, there wasn’t much difference. The tasks assigned to agents dispatched or recruited in Russia were similar to those performed by hunting dogs. The only distinction was whether they returned with prey or information.

“Still, isn’t it better to maintain a positive outlook than to simply despair?”

“Even that despair is work, work. By the way, how’s the situation in the Middle East?”

The Chief of Staff promptly retrieved a report, anticipating the question, handed it to Bush, and then spoke with feigned surprise.

“They were evenly matched, but as of yesterday, the Iranian army has been noticeably pushed back.”

“What?”